Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 282 St. Petersburg

Chapter 282 St. Petersburg (Part 1)

"The Persian army has been crossing the Syr Darya more frequently recently and has begun operating near the Akmesht fortress. According to our intelligence, there are currently more than 60 Persian troops operating in the area."

In the governor's mansion in Omsk, Konstantin Kaufman, the Russian governor-general in Kazakhstan, was listening to a report from his subordinates.

After listening to the report, Kaufman spoke up. "Everyone, please share your thoughts."

As soon as he finished speaking, many people turned their attention to Bereskov. Since this was a military matter, it was best to have this military zealot respond.

"Persia's actions are a test of the great Russian Empire; they are probing our reaction. Just like during the Crimean War, this is directed against the great Russia. Therefore, we cannot hesitate and must respond with the strongest possible attitude."

Before the governor and officers could speak, Arakcheyev, who was currently serving as the governor's deputy, stepped forward and expressed his opinion first. His motivation stemmed not only from the fact that the empire was unlikely to back down, but also from his own attempt to understand his superiors' intentions.

After Arakcheyev spoke, Bereskov also spoke up. "That's right, we must respond severely to the Persian provocations, otherwise the empire's external environment will become even worse because of this forbearance."

After seeing the two people express their opinions, others also chimed in.

"The Empire cannot back down in any way, otherwise those countries that are hostile to Russia will swarm in and target our country."

“That’s right. Last time, the Empire made concessions to Persia for the sake of peace, which made them think they could infringe on Russia’s interests. They were wrong. This time, we must let them taste the power of the Empire.”

After everyone had spoken, Kaufman finally spoke. "The matter of the Persian provocation will be left to St. Petersburg for His Majesty to decide. Furthermore, the conquest plan must not be affected by this matter; we must do everything in our power to ensure its effective execution."

However, the Tsar probably didn't have time to discuss this at the moment, as he was busy welcoming the other party involved, the Shah of Iran.

"Your Majesty Alexander, thank you for inviting me to St. Petersburg. I am deeply impressed by the grandeur of this city."

Tsar Alexander II greeted Naser al-Din at Catherine Palace, marking the first meeting between the Russian Emperor and the Shah of Iran.

"Welcome, Your Majesty Shah. Your presence is an honor for both our countries. We hope to find common ground in this meeting."

Naser al-Din began discussions with Alexander II, using peace as a starting point. The border friction between Russia and Iran needed to be resolved, but dialogue between the two monarchs alone was clearly insufficient.

“I hope so too. In recent years, our two countries have had some differences on border issues, especially the territorial dispute over the Transoxiana region. I think it’s time to sit down and find a solution that is acceptable to both sides.”

Alexander II immediately replied, "I completely agree. The border issue certainly needs to be handled properly. The situation in Central Asia is complex, but we in Russia have always been committed to maintaining stability in the region. We hope that these regions can remain neutral and not become sources of conflict."

Russia is willing to cooperate with your country to ensure stability and peace along the border. However, we also hope that your country will recognize Russia's interests in the Caspian Sea region.

Furthermore, I also hope to strengthen trade relations between our two countries. Our country has a great interest in your silk, carpets, and spices.”

Alexander was prepared to use trade as a bargaining chip to get Iran to recognize Russia's current borders. But Nasserdin clearly didn't want to do that. "I understand your country's concerns, but the Transoxiana region has had deep cultural and historical ties with our country since ancient times. This cannot be ignored. If your country continues to expand into these areas, Iran will have to take action to protect its interests."

"But Russia's interests in Central Asia are also based on geopolitical realities. We are willing to cooperate with your country to ensure stability in these regions, rather than resolving issues through force."

Naserdin's expression turned serious: "Is this a threat?"

Alexander said in a deep voice, "Of course not, times have changed. Savage nomadic tribes threaten the safety of trade routes, and Russia must shoulder the 'civilizational mission'—just as we tamed Siberia. If you can recognize Russia's sovereignty over Kazakhstan, we are willing to guarantee Iran's rights in the river."

Although spheres of influence were defined, there was still considerable uncertainty. For example, the northwestern region of Qing China also belonged to Central Asia. If the border between the two countries were established, and Russia were to attack Qing China again, forcing it to cede territory, then Russia could exert pressure on Iran in Central Asia.

"I think we should include the Qing Dynasty in this effort, as it is the only way to contribute to peace."

Upon hearing that the Qing Dynasty would be involved, Alexander knew what Naser al-Din was up to. It was none other than ensuring the borders between the three kingdoms were secure and not breached by any one nation.

Alexander pondered for a moment, then slowly nodded: "Your suggestion makes sense. As an important power in Central Asia, Qing China should indeed have a place in these negotiations. We can invite Qing representatives to participate in the discussions and jointly establish the borders and rights of the three countries in Central Asia."

Naserdin thought to himself, "Russia has compromised so quickly. That's strange. They should look down on the Qing Dynasty. Why would they suddenly do this?"

Naserdin was inwardly wary, but outwardly remained calm, responding with a smile: "In that case, we can arrange a tripartite meeting as soon as possible."

Alexander nodded in agreement: "I think Tehran is a good choice for the location. We can convene representatives from all parties in the shortest possible time to begin formal negotiations."

Naserdin's heart stirred, realizing Alexander's true intentions—the Russians did not genuinely want the Qing Dynasty to participate, but rather wanted to use this opportunity to first reach some kind of tacit understanding with Iran, and perhaps even secretly divide up spheres of influence, so that when the Qing Dynasty was unable to attend to Central Asia, they could further expand their own interests.

Thinking this through, Naser al-Din decided not to expose Alexander's intentions for the time being, but instead went along with him, saying, "In that case, we can first hold bilateral talks to discuss some basic principles. Once the situation in Qing China has stabilized, we can invite them to join the formal negotiations."

Alexander nodded in satisfaction: "This is a wise decision. We can first reach a consensus on some key issues, such as the security of trade routes, the demarcation of borders, and the scope of our respective rights in the region."

Naser al-Din smiled slightly, but a new plan was already in his mind. He knew that the Russians would never easily give up their ambitions in Central Asia, and the decline of the Qing Dynasty presented them with the perfect opportunity for expansion. He had to act cautiously in this game, avoiding direct conflict with Russia while ensuring that Iran's interests were not harmed.

“Then we can hold a bilateral meeting in Tehran,” Nasserdin proposed. “The specific details can be further agreed upon through diplomatic channels.”

Alexander readily agreed: "Very good, I will immediately inform the government to prepare to send a delegation to Tehran. I look forward to our talks laying a solid foundation for future peace."

The two shook hands again, seemingly reaching a consensus, but both knew in their hearts that this game had only just begun. The future of Central Asia remains full of unknowns and uncertainties.

(End of this chapter)

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