Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 236 The fight begins

Minovev looked at Sadiq, his unease reaching its peak. He wasn't actually afraid of death, but if news of the collusion with Iran reached European countries, wouldn't they think Bulgaria hated them?
“Mr. Sadiq, I am pleased that your country supports Bulgarian independence. However, the distance between the two countries is too great, and if we declare independence, the Ottomans will certainly send a large army.”

“That’s why I’m here,” Sadig continued. “Most of the Ottoman army has already marched to Van and Baghdad, leaving only a small force here. If you can incite a popular uprising, the Ottomans will be in a dilemma.”

Sadiq explained the current situation in the Ottoman Empire to the seven men. The Ottoman Empire was preparing to go to war with Iran, and this was the opportunity for Bulgaria.

“How can we trust you? Who knows if it’s a conspiracy between you and the Ottoman?” someone said inappropriately.

Sadiq looked at him coldly and said, "You may not believe me, but if I leave, your last bit of aid will be gone. Now look, besides Iran, which other country is willing to aid this uncertain factor like you?"

Sadiq revealed their biggest weakness: currently, apart from Iran, no other country has a high opinion of them. Even their closest ally, Russia, doesn't believe that Bulgaria can gain independence from the Ottoman Empire.

"Moreover, I have come here with great sincerity. There is a batch of goods at the dock in Varna that you can go and pick up."

With that, Sadiq handed the list to Rakovsky: 300 1854-model rifles and 6 rounds of ammunition, plus 30 rials in operating funds. If they succeeded, Iran would send them even more supplies via the Black Sea.

“Since your country thinks highly of us, what do you want from us?” Rakovsky asked.

He knew this all too well; he knew what Iran wanted—vassalage, specific conditions, or something else. In this day and age, who would do something that loses money?

Sadiq smiled slightly and took out a document. "Our country isn't particularly interested in this place. If you agree, we hope that our two countries can cooperate amicably after success."

The Shah was right after all. I don't expect you to follow me; all I need is for you to oppose the Ottomans.

"Our current goal is the same: to oppose the Ottomans. Don't you all feel the same way? Or are you willing to become subjects of the Ottoman Sultan?"

Sadiq directly provoked their nationalistic sentiments; who would willingly become a subject of Istanbul? Whether it was a trap or not, they'd swallow it first.

"Thank you for your country's support for our cause of independence. Please believe that our two countries will surely be able to cooperate peacefully and amicably in the Black Sea in the future."

Besides Bulgaria, Sadiq also approached the prince of Wallachia, as now was the opportune time to break away from the Ottoman Empire, but he remained somewhat timid and declined the offer. However, Bulgaria still gave him many surprises; the protests there were even more intense than elsewhere.

Serbia is also a potential target for Iran. As for Greece, it's aligned with Russia, so it shouldn't be blamed for excluding it from Iran's plans.

Moreover, Sadiq's visit was essentially a pie-in-the-sky promise to the Bulgarians. Since independence was the goal, territory was a key topic of discussion. How about Greater Bulgaria? Extending from the Danube River in the north to Thessaloniki in the south, from the Black Sea in the east to the Macedonia region in the west. All of this would belong to Bulgaria. If possible, they could even give them Istanbul; it was just a matter of whether they could hold onto it.

After consideration, Rakovsky accepted the agreement with Iran. Bulgaria will discuss the situation with Iran again after gaining independence.

Meanwhile, Iran had issued an ultimatum to the Ottoman Empire, demanding severe punishment for Ottoman soldiers and equal status for Shia and Sunni Muslims. It also demanded 2000 million rials in reparations to rebuild Najaf.

In response to this request, the Ottoman ambassador to Iran, Mevlut Cavusoglu, replied: "Please give our country some time. Your country's conditions are a bit demanding, and our country needs to hold a meeting to discuss them before we can give a reply."

"Oh!" Pezeshkian exclaimed in surprise. "So, your country is not planning to accept the conditions?"

"No, no, no, Your Excellency is well aware that the distance between our two countries is too great, and it takes a long time for messages to be transmitted. Please wait a while, and our country will certainly be able to give you a satisfactory reply."

Pezeshkian stared intently at the Ottoman ambassador before him. "Does your country consider us fools? The actions within your country don't seem like they're being considered at all. Your army is being mobilized; doesn't that indicate you're already preparing for armed conflict?"

Cavusoglu, of course, would not admit to such a statement. "Your country's reaction is far too extreme. This is merely our country's normal response to this matter. The conditions your country offered are simply difficult to agree to outright. Does your country intend to interfere in our internal affairs?"

Pezeshkian didn't reply, but simply slammed the document in his hand onto the table. "No matter how your envoy tries to argue or find excuses, he won't stop our country. So you'd better take a look at this ultimatum. It's 10:00 AM on February 25th now. If our country hasn't received a reply from your country by this time in two days, then it means that your country has rejected our demands. In that case, I'm sorry, our country will take all means to protect its interests."

After speaking, Pezeshkian left the reception room without waiting for a reply, leaving the ambassador and the ultimatum, or rather, the final ultimatum, lying on the floor.

Seeing that he was the only one left, Manrsou quickly picked up the ultimatum. Its contents were largely the same as the previous one, except that it now gave him a 48-hour deadline for a response. Furthermore, it stated at the end that if the Ottoman Empire exceeded this timeframe, it would mean that Iran was at war with the Ottomans.

This time, the Iranian government made no attempt to mince words, explicitly stating its threat of war. This was a critical moment, but with no time to relay the message, they could only watch as the two countries went to war.

As for the Iranian people, they also felt the atmosphere of impending war. Major newspapers published evening editions filled with accounts of the Ottoman Empire's atrocities, even directly stating that the Najaf incident was instigated by the Ottoman Empire.

All of this was observed by other ambassadors watching the situation, including the newly appointed British ambassador, Austin, who wrote in his report to London: "The developments in Iran show that the country is prepared for war with the Ottomans. The Imperial Government needs to be prepared for this to prevent Iran from becoming overconfident."

Forty-eight hours later, the Iranian Foreign Minister formally presented the declaration of war to the Ottoman ambassador. Effective immediately, on February 27, 1858, Iran officially declared war on the Ottomans. The Third Ottoman-Persian War had begun.

(End of this chapter)