Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 233 The Najaf Incident

With the growth of trade between Iran and the Ottoman Empire, Najaf, a Shiite holy city in Mesopotamia, has also seen a surge in pilgrims.

January 10th is Ashura, a significant day for Shia Muslims, commemorating the martyrdom of Hussein in the Battle of Karbala in 680 AD. On this day, Shia Muslims hold solemn commemorative events to express their condolences for Hussein.

Inside the mosque, everyone began their prayers in remembrance of Hussein, who was killed by Sunnis. Afterwards, the Ayatollah addressed the crowd, offering a eulogy to Hussein and a recitation of the Quran, along with other remarks.

“Prophet, look upon this country. The Ottomans are even more shameless than the infidels. They trample our land at will, yet brazenly claim it as their own. Instead of defending it properly, they run rampant, fawning over the infidels. When will such rulers be punished?”

Ayatollah's words resonated with many, who felt life under Ottoman rule becoming increasingly difficult in recent years. Taxes had increased, their activities were more restricted, and the Ottomans were granting Christians more rights—was this something a Caliph should be doing?

"He is no longer fit to be Caliph; he should abdicate and let someone else take the throne!"

As soon as Ayatollah finished speaking, a squad of soldiers dressed in Ottoman attire stormed in.

"What are you doing? Don't you know this place is off-limits?"

"Get out!" "Get out!"

The entry of the Ottomans into the mosque was infuriating, not only because they were heretics, but also because they were armed.

"By order of the Sultan, weapons are hidden here in an attempt to rebel, and the place is now sealed off. You, come with me."

"what?"

Such an absurd reason naturally aroused opposition, and the soldiers actually opened fire, making a fight inevitable.

"Kill him! We can't let them take the priest away."

Bloodshed and violence permeated every corner, as Ottoman soldiers stormed in and slaughtered unarmed civilians. They chanted the name of God while committing acts of carnage—is it not ironic?

Not only at the mosques, but also on this day, Shia Muslims and Ottoman soldiers in Najaf engaged in heated exchanges. The reasons ranged from sectarian conflict to disputes over resources, and things only gradually calmed down the following day.

The local Ottoman governor was unaware of what had happened. By the time he arrived, many houses had been reduced to ashes, the remains of a fire.

After a search, only a few charred corpses were found, making identification impossible. Faced with this situation, the Ottoman official knew the gravity of the matter. He immediately reported the incident to Baghdad and detained more than 20 people. Although his actions were handled well, the truth could not be concealed. A few days later, the Tabriz Morning Post in Iran first published the report, stating that dozens of innocent people had been persecuted by Ottoman religious forces, and their spirits were haunting Najaf. The newspaper concluded by suggesting that the local religious forces might have received tacit approval from the government, otherwise, how could such a tragedy have occurred?

This was still considered subtle, but the report still caused a huge uproar. Subsequent media reports were even more outspoken, stating that the tragedy was tacitly approved by the Ottoman government.

Some newspapers even wrote that the whole thing was orchestrated by the Ottoman government, who did not want their people to see God save the people of this land, but only wanted them to perish along with them.

The riot resulted in Nasser al-Din convening an emergency government meeting. Although he also wanted to stage such an event, in Najaf, he wouldn't dare to do it even if he had ten times the courage.

Upon receiving this news, he convened a meeting of his key ministers to discuss the matter. The result of the discussion was that the government believed it was advisable to wait, as Iran's preparations were not yet complete, and it would be best to wait until everything was fully prepared before declaring war on the Ottomans.

The military's stance is that although preparations are not yet complete, this opportunity is too rare, and the military believes it is time to declare war on the Ottomans.

Soldiers generally looked forward to going to war with the Ottomans, because it would not only bring them honor but also more rewards.

Moreover, in terms of current preparations, Iran is better off than the Ottomans. Troops are in position and supplies are ready for the three main offensive directions: Trabisun, Van, and Baghdad.

In terms of weaponry, Iranian arms factories developed their own Model 1854 rifle, modeled after the Prussian Dreyse needle-fire pistol. Iranian soldiers could lie prone to load ammunition onto the Dreyse rifle, while Ottoman soldiers had to stand up to do so, and this time was enough for them to fire five shots.

In addition to this, Iran also imported a breech-loading rifle invented last year from France. The most distinctive feature of this rifle is the rubber gas seal on the bolt surface designed to prevent gas leakage. Because the rubber contracts and hardens due to the combustion gases after each shot and eventually becomes ineffective, it needs to be replaced frequently. But regardless of the specific model, it represents a significant advantage over Ottoman soldiers who are still using smoothbore muskets.

The attack on the holy city of Najaf has greatly angered Shia Muslims. Iran, a predominantly Shia country, has voiced its support for Najaf three times in five days and sent its ambassador to protest to the Ottoman government. Within Iran, protests involving 10 people erupted in Tabriz, and 15 people gathered in front of the Ottoman embassy in Tehran to protest.

Fifty-five Iranian Shiite clerics jointly submitted a protest to the Shah, demanding a holy war against the Ottoman Empire and the recapture of the holy city. Some even went so far as to travel directly to Najaf armed with weapons, driven by fervent religious fervor to defend the holy city.

This situation was a mixed blessing for Naser al-Din. On the one hand, he didn't have to worry about public opposition to the war; he could unite the people to the greatest extent possible simply by publicizing the atrocities of the Ottomans. On the other hand, he saw that the influence of Shia clerics was beginning to increase again.

The Middle East's system differs from that of other countries, where the grassroots organization is the village, while in the Middle East it is the tribe. Even in better-off areas, the village leader is still a representative of the clergy. Religious institutions and clergy play a significant role in political, economic, and social life, a tradition that imbues Middle Eastern social structures and values ​​with a strong religious character. Even if they are removed from urban areas, they still wield influence in vast rural regions.

Iran previously reduced the clergy through land reform and industrialization, gradually stripping them of their educational functions. However, the advancement of secularization has also brought many problems. On the one hand, individual freedom may increase, but on the other hand, it may lead to the division of families and communities. This change makes people uneasy because family and community have always been at the core of their lives. And once the process of secularization involves the political sphere, it will trigger a redistribution of power, thereby bringing social unrest and instability.

This is why Nasser al-Din's push for secularization has been moderate, aiming to ultimately secularize the middle class. However, the clergy within Iran still wield considerable power, and they have shifted their strategy, beginning to challenge the government from other angles. To counter them, Nasser al-Din is strengthening his own and the government's central authority. While now is not the time for internal strife, who knows what might happen at this juncture...

(End of this chapter)