Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 211 Reformers

Iran is happy to have obtained so many treaties, and the countries that signed them are happy, but there is only one country that is not happy: Russia.

Alexander II watched helplessly as Nasser al-Din signed agreements with various European countries, and there was nothing he could do. After all, Russia had lost the war.

"It's astonishing that tiny Persia was able to sign so many agreements in Europe. It seems we underestimated this new Shah. If we had been able to hold out for another year, they might have surrendered."

Alexander slammed his fist on the table. "Has the Minister of War failed to grasp the situation? The Empire's hidden dangers are not abroad, but at home, in Moscow, within this vast territory."

Alexander II gained a deeper understanding of the situation in Russia. He knew that Russia's defeat in the war was due to its poor military and economy, and that the root cause of this was the obstruction of serfdom.

The Tsar knew that abolishing serfdom would face great resistance, but he still decided to abolish it. He convened a conference on the abolition of serfdom and invited landowners from all over the country to St. Petersburg.

At the meeting, he told everyone that instead of the peasants liberating themselves from the bottom up, we should liberate the peasants from the top down.

But top-down liberation is easier said than done, and whatever decision is made will cause suffering for some. Farmers have cultivated this land for generations, believing they have paid the price time and again with their blood and sweat for every inch of land and every furrow. To them, it would be unjust not to completely hand over the land they have toiled for decades.

The landowners, however, saw the other side of the problem. Up to a third of their real estate would be immediately confiscated with little compensation. Furthermore, their serfs would be taken away without a trace. Many noble families were already heavily indebted and struggling to survive. Many landowners had not yet recovered from the devastation caused by Napoleon's invasion fifty years earlier. Even those nobles who had escaped the war found themselves struggling to afford the lavish lifestyles of peacetime. Many once-illustrious families had fallen into decline, and most had lost their former prestige and influence.

A fierce clash arose between Alexander's realistic ideals of liberal reform and the millennial vision of "Holy Russia." For a peasant who firmly believed he lived on the edge of paradise, the Tsar's reform ideals were incomprehensible. The peasants believed the Tsar would not impose such exorbitant taxes on his people. He was God's shepherd on earth. Though he might be far removed from the farmers toiling in the fields, he knew each and every one of them intimately. His decrees were written not with ink, but with gold; the peasants said he granted the people "true freedom" in his laws. The Tsar would surely deliver.

Faced with such remarks, the landlord insisted that the laws written in ink were the only true laws. The peasants, however, raised their sickles and replied, "We no longer want landlords!" They shouted, "Down with the landlords! We've served them enough! It's time to be free!"

And more people shouted, "Freedom, freedom!" The farmers yelled, "Freedom, freedom!"

This cannot go on. Alexander once again appealed to the landowners, saying that reform was imperative. If they did not want to die, they should let go, even if it meant sacrificing the interests of the nobility.
“Your Majesty, we wouldn’t feel ashamed to lose to Britain and France, nor would we feel ashamed to lose to the Ottomans. But to lose to Persia, to Persia that has always ceded territory and paid reparations to us, is a humiliation that the entire Russian Empire cannot accept.” “Since it is unacceptable, then we should strive even harder to improve our internal affairs. Haven’t the lessons of this war been profound enough? Must we really have to fight a civil war?”

Alexander II was heartbroken. The Tsar knew that the ancestors of those who managed the palace and trained the army for him had ruthlessly stabbed the monarch in the back whenever the monarch threatened their extravagant lifestyles. His great-grandfather, his grandfather, and his father had all faced rebellions, but his great-grandfather and grandfather had failed in their resistance, while his father had succeeded and consolidated his position.

From that moment on, he would forever remember the countless hypocrites hidden within the repulsive souls of his courtiers. When he ascended the throne, Alexander discovered that, like previous Tsars, he could not even trust the loyalty of his personal guards. His greatest fear was incurring the wrath of Prince Alexis Fedorovich Orlov, the leader of the hardliners at court. This prince had once said that he would rather cut off his own hands than submit to reforms that emancipated serfs and redistributed land.

This threat was indeed not to be underestimated: he was one of the most powerful figures in the empire. His family had come to power during the early reign of Empress Catherine. On the surface, Prince Orlov was prepared to curry favor with the Tsar, promising to support his reforms; however, deep down, he held Alexander's impulse for free reform in utter contempt. Resisting reform and innovation was both his initial motivation and his ultimate goal; he had reason to believe that his resistance would not be in vain.

Orlov had thoroughly studied his master. He concluded that the Tsar was lazy, indolent, and utterly dissolute. By skillfully exploiting these two aspects, Alexander could be kept in the clutches of his courtiers.

Prince Orlov was well aware of the Tsar's chaotic private life. However, Alexander had not yet reached the point of extreme extravagance, and the ministers, catering to Alexander's desires, hoped to divert his attention from his grand ambition of reforming Russia.

However, the Tsar's attention was not so easily diverted. Indeed, he would not openly break with his opponents. His grandfather, Tsar Paul, had made such a mistake. Instead, Alexander believed that apparent indecisiveness was precisely the key to victory.

People generally believe that a leader should possess a bold and decisive spirit, but he went against this. As an heir to the throne who heavily relied on oligarchy to establish his authority, his strategy was remarkably shrewd. Through seemingly ambiguous and wavering actions, he hoped to conceal his true intentions while simultaneously gloating over his opponents.

This approach may not have been well-considered, but rather a choice driven by survival instincts. It allowed Alexander's strong ambition for reform to be well concealed beneath a facade of hedonism and indolence. He was like a chameleon, constantly changing colors to evade his enemies, who, for a less cautious and astute ruler, were practically natural foes sent by nature itself.

　Goodness, I was just writing this when South Korea suddenly gave me a surprise. Is this news or the Fifth Republic?

　　
　
(End of this chapter)