Father of France

Chapter 95 Military Control of Algeria

"Ha, I remember the local indigenous tribes had eight times the population of the French immigrants," Gudrun Himmler sneered. "Do they really think they can assimilate that number into the local population?"

“Eight times is temporary. We have a reliable population, and there won’t be that many Algerians in the future.”

Upon seeing that the daughter of the Supreme SS Commander-in-Chief had some talent in this area, Koeman couldn't help but explain that he found he shared more in common with Gudrun Himmler than with Martin and Alan, the two brilliant strategists.

"Is France preparing for violent repression?" Gudrun Himmler asked thoughtfully. "It will take a long time to be effective, and all countries are watching. You won't find a solution in such a short time."

"There are still a few months left before Japan surrenders, so we can't do this anymore." Koeman acknowledged this, but denied that there was absolutely no way. "Actually, there is a way, which is to wipe out all the women aged 15 to 35, totaling about two million. Without these women who can bear children, the Arabs in Algeria will be effectively wiped out. Men can't give birth to children on their own, right?"

Gudron Himmler was taken aback, and his gaze toward Koman became peculiar. This method might be feasible during wartime, but it was somewhat shameless. "You really do have a way."

"This method cannot be used, as it would easily become a stain on the country's reputation, so we can only use a method that is slower to take effect."

Koman explained, "Moreover, we cannot rely solely on repression; we must also pursue development. Only by taking a two-pronged approach can we succeed. The first step is the centralized management of the population, not through concentration camps, but through urbanized concentration, severing the traditional lives of the locals. I learned a great deal from the experience in the Soviet Union."

"You've been to the Soviet Union?" Gudrun Himmler clearly had no liking for this culprit who was responsible for Germany's destruction, and his attitude immediately turned cold.

"The Soviet Union was a unified multi-ethnic country, and there are many methods we can learn from it." Koeman seemed not to hear the girl's indifference and continued to rub salt into Gudrun Himmler's wounds. "How could a country that defeated your Germany be completely useless? There must be many things we can learn from it."

Algeria's future absolutely cannot continue down the old path. The only problem now is that Algeria is neither without the right to vote nor does it have the right to vote.

The problem is that some people have the right to vote while others do not, which highlights the issue of inequality rather than scarcity.

Giving all Algerians the right to vote would be opposed by all four major political parties in France, including the French Communist Party. The more than eight million Algerians would have a huge impact on French politics.

Therefore, giving everyone the right to vote is definitely not an option. So there is only one solution left: to strip French immigrants in Algeria of their right to vote. This solution is not easy either, but it is certainly much easier than giving everyone the right to vote. In fact, we should take advantage of this riot to put the local area under military control.

Koeman believes that the suggestion of military control in the region has certainly been raised in Paris. It is just unknown whether de Gaulle will agree, but even if he does not agree, de Gaulle will soon step down, and the military can choose a spokesperson from several political parties to push for military control in Algeria.

In addition to military control, a large sum of money is needed for urbanization and education support in Algeria. As mentioned before, the majority of the education support will definitely come from the Axis powers.

Now, not only has France begun its plunder of German talent, but Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union have also begun their plunder of Germany.

But compared to the other three countries, France's efforts this time are unprecedented, with almost all higher education institutions in the French-occupied territories being targeted.

Besides education, urbanization also requires the contributions of the Axis powers. Bringing Algeria together and bringing it into modern society is much easier than dealing with traditional societies.

As for the funding gap, Algeria can solve this problem on its own. If the revenue from oil and gas cannot even support infrastructure construction, it would be unworthy of Algeria's reputation as an African militarist nation.

However, all of this can only be implemented after military control is in place. Otherwise, under the influence of parliamentary parties, Algeria's wealth may not be preserved, and Koman does not trust any force other than the military.

Germany surrendered, the war ended, but the provisional government remained extremely busy, with frequent military movements. The withdrawal of most French troops from Germany, the suppression of Algeria, the regaining of control of French Indochina, and the stationing of troops in occupied territories were all related to military affairs. Before leaving Germany, General Dracon even sent a telegram to the Austrian French forces, instructing them to pay attention to the refugee problem in Yugoslavia.

Upon returning to Paris, General Dragon immediately attended a military conference. Most of the generals at the conference were surprised that less than a day after Germany surrendered, an uprising broke out in Algeria.

Although de Gaulle was the lowest-ranking general and the leader of the provisional government, no one would object to him presiding over military conferences.

Apart from the commander of the Fourth Army, the commanders of the other three armies—Dragon, Tassini, and Edgard—had all returned to Paris. When de Gaulle entered, the generals all stood up to greet him.

"You all know about the news in Algeria, right?" De Gaulle had just arrived from a political meeting and was exhausted from dealing with the sharp conflicts between several political parties. "We definitely need to restore order there. We cannot afford the consequences of losing Algeria. The army still has a very heavy workload, and there is also the issue of returning to French Indochina."

“It now seems that military control of Algeria is necessary immediately,” General Edgard first suggested. “However, this requires the support of several political parties and authorization through legislation. As for the repressive forces, I believe that whichever unit is in charge is loyal to France.”

De Gaulle nodded and looked at General Dracon, saying, "Many voices believe that the Maronites from Syria should be emigrated to Algeria, which would also fulfill a promise. Algeria, like the mainland, is an inseparable part of France, not a colony. Although it has significant financial problems, the provisional government is willing to provide support in terms of treatment."

If so many political parties in France can't even come up with a way to mix in some elements, then they shouldn't be spouting nonsense in parliament.

Many people believe that the families of the soldiers of the First Army Group are the best way to stabilize Algeria.

As the commander of the First Army, General Dragon did not immediately agree after hearing this; he knew it was an opportunity to negotiate.

In high society, influence is a form of capital; one must cherish it and not let it be wasted.

Admiral Dragon didn't quite understand this point. He just thought to himself that if everyone begged him and he pleaded for everyone, then he would inevitably be unable to plead for himself in the near future. Therefore, he rarely asked for anything himself, but this time was an exception.

It was the participation of hundreds of thousands of Christians in the Middle East that made him the commander of the First Army Group. This is the basis upon which he can express his views here, and this basis cannot be shaken.

"The issue of Algeria is related to France's future status as a major power, which is more important than how the United States or the Soviet Union viewed France."

General Dragon's words drew a chorus of approval: "I agree with General Edgard's suggestion of martial law. We should launch an uprising on Victory Day. The local anti-French forces have no respect for France. Germany has now surrendered, and although Japan is still holding out, the war is expected to end within a few months. In my opinion, this is our last chance to suppress the anti-French forces on a large scale."

"By enacting legislation to militarize Algeria, we can deliver a heavy blow to the anti-French forces. Under the protection of military deterrence, we can fully promote French language education and eradicate the root causes of the anti-French movement."

“I agree with Dragon and Edgard’s ideas,” General Tassini’s statement represented a consensus among the three army group commanders present at the meeting.

Under de Gaulle's impetus, the provisional government immediately passed the "Special Powers Law," which mainly included two points: the power of military repression.

The military can decide on its own actions, including searches, arrests, detentions, and deportations, without judicial approval. Military courts can be established, and the trial process can be streamlined, allowing for death sentences with immediate execution.

Another aspect is the centralization of administrative power, allowing the military to independently restrict freedom of assembly, the press, and movement. The military should possess absolute dominance in maintaining order.

(End of this chapter)