Father of France

Chapter 93 Unconditional Surrender

The war in Europe was not officially over yet, but in Koeman's eyes, only a treaty remained. Germany would have a tough time in the next few years, but it wouldn't be for long.

Koeman recalls that in 1949, the per capita income of Germans had already surpassed that of British people—yes, that quickly.

On the one hand, there were problems within Britain itself, and on the other hand, the United States quickly gave Germany a higher starting point. Although the United States supported the Axis powers after the war, the starting points of the various Axis powers were completely different.

Japan's achievements are the result of the United States' long-term cultivation of its open market and the gradual upgrading of its industrial chain.

Compared to Germany, Japan's foundation was much weaker. Although Japan has achieved an economic miracle, the recovery process took a considerable amount of time. Germany, on the other hand, had a better foundation and was provided with more favorable conditions by the United States.

It can be said that Germany's domestic industry was indeed destroyed, but what remains is still quite large. The conditions for gaining access to the US market are also much smaller than those for Japan, with very few hidden restrictions.

The conditions weren't just about the nominal amount of money provided by the Marshall Plan; there were also many tariff restrictions. Countries like Britain retained some power and were secretly subject to significant restrictions from the United States. Where was the free trade?

Otherwise, British jetliners should have been flying over the United States long ago, instead of being restricted by the US until Boeing's products appeared, at which point the restrictions were lifted.

The real treaty concerning the post-World War II era was the Treaty of Paris in 1947. By then, the US and the Soviet Union were already clearly hostile to each other, so the text of the formal treaty was just a facade. A careful reading reveals that apart from the clauses on establishing an alliance between the two sides, the rest of the content was rather empty.

In particular, the reflections and understandings regarding this European war are completely different from those at the end of the war in 1945. On the issues that politicians are most concerned about, such as war reparations and the handling of occupied territories, there has been a long discussion.

Therefore, although Koeman, as a junior lieutenant, did his best to lay a good foundation for France, whether he could actually obtain the two territories of Italy and Germany would depend on the contract two years later.

With the Cold War about to officially begin, the past can only be turned over a new leaf.

This war was driven by political or economic objectives from the very beginning, and the victory achieved by the soldiers who fought bravely at the risk of their lives ultimately became a blueprint for Europe's calls for reconciliation.

The biggest problem at present is how to transition from a state of war to peaceful development. Britain has been unable to emerge from the state of war for a long time, which is why it has faced difficulties in the post-war period.

Britain's domestic economy was already not very healthy. With the increasing investment in the war, the wartime unbalanced economic structure began to expose its previously hidden flaws, and shortages of daily necessities began to appear.

Even the pound sterling has shown signs of instability. If it weren't for the British army's continuous victories on the front lines, which instilled national pride and strengthened the nation's resilience to the hardships of daily life, the political situation in Britain might have been negatively impacted by economic problems.

France certainly has this problem too, but it's not as serious as in Britain, where the problem has become so severe that even the Commonwealth is finding it difficult to lend a hand.

Otherwise, Churchill wouldn't have suffered a humiliating defeat in the general election right after defeating Germany.

The British people also need to eat; they can't live on artillery shells and lubricating oil. The same goes for France; otherwise, why would Koeman have his eyes on the private Swiss bank accounts of high-ranking German officials?

The end of the war was a good thing for all the belligerent nations, not just Germany. The major belligerent nations were already exhausted, both physically and mentally.

Grand Admiral Dönitz, who succeeded to the position of Führer according to the will, had already guessed his own fate after the war, but still tried to help Germany avoid the worst possible outcome.

The German negotiating team arrived at the Allied High Command on the Western Front, trying their best to salvage Germany's reputation, even though everyone in Germany, including Dönitz, knew the chances were slim.

According to Trump, Germany had run out of cards to play, and continuing the fight would only bring some additional casualties to the Allies, but every day of German resistance was a massive loss.

The Eastern superpower, having witnessed the Paris Peace Conference firsthand, understood the implications of such negotiations all too well. The so-called negotiations were nothing more than laughable daydreams before the victors. The Allies decided to host the German representatives in Reims. "Admiral Friedberg?" a bespectacled American colonel approached. "General Walter will see you shortly."

Admiral Friedberg straightened his uniform—he had deliberately worn the most formal naval dress, even though he knew it might be seen as a ridiculous performance by the victors.

The staff officer beside him whispered a reminder: "Remember, the objective is to secure a separate ceasefire with the West, and at least forty-eight hours for evacuation."

The door opened, and Lieutenant General Walter Biddle Smith, Eisenhower's chief of staff, walked in.

He was lean and had sharp eyes. Without any unnecessary pleasantries, he said, "General, I guess you're here to discuss surrender?"

General Friedberg felt a tightness in his throat: "General, I am acting on orders from Field Marshal Dönitz to explore the possibility of a localized ceasefire on the Western Front. This would avoid unnecessary..."

“Unconditional surrender,” General Walter interrupted him. “There is no room for negotiation. General Eisenhower’s position is very clear.”

"But the millions of civilians on the Eastern Front—" General Friedburg felt utterly helpless; this was the true meaning of being at the mercy of others. He didn't know the exact phrase, but he felt it deeply.
"You're the ones who put them in danger," General Walter said coldly. "Now you're thinking about humanitarianism? Where was your navy in 1942?"

General Friedberg's face flushed. He wanted to argue that the navy was merely following orders, but the words that came out were weak excuses: "Field Marshal Dönitz wished to minimize casualties on all sides..."

General Walter steered the conversation back to the main point: "Your Führer has committed suicide, and the Russians have occupied the Reichstag. Hamburg, Munich, and Nuremberg are all in our hands. Germany has been defeated, General. Your only choice is when and how to acknowledge this fact."

"The two sides are not negotiating now. You may not be able to accept the reality, but the reality is what our former president Roosevelt said a long time ago: unconditional surrender. If you don't try to fight for anything, you won't get anything."

General Reims of Friedburg sent a desperate telegram to Field Marshal Dönitz: "The Allies insist on total and unconditional surrender. Eisenhower has threatened to block all refugee routes if not accepted immediately."

Eisenhower's attitude was similar; his answer was concise and brutal: "Sign a complete surrender within forty-eight hours, or we will consider all German units still resisting as illegal combatants and will not be entitled to prisoner-of-war treatment."

On May 8, Jodl learned that a partial ceasefire was hopeless and signed the unconditional surrender document on behalf of Germany. When the news reached Moscow, Stalin refused to recognize the unilateral surrender and demanded that Germany re-sign the unconditional surrender document that included the Soviet Union.

Eisenhower immediately agreed, using it to demonstrate the unity between the Allies, a decision that defeated Germany had no choice but to accept.

The unconditional surrender was broadcast in English, French, German, and Russian to cities across Europe, from London to Paris, from Washington to Moscow, and countless cities erupted in celebration of victory.

While other countries celebrated, the silence of the Germans became the epitaph of the Third Reich, leaving many bewildered and seemingly unable to move on from the past.

Koeman handed the German-language report of Germany's unconditional surrender to Gudrun Himmler, saying, "You'll find out sooner or later, just take a look."

Over the course of a few days, Koeman had successfully cultivated an image of being trustworthy and won the trust of Gudrun Himmler. Himmler's daughter, after reading the report, fell into a long period of silence.

"Aren't you excited?" A strange emotion appeared on Gudrun Himmler's face. "The United States and the Soviet Union will divide Europe in the future. If Germany loses, France will lose too."

"Germany's defeat is certain, but France can still be salvaged." Koeman shook his head, disagreeing with Gudrun-Himmler's assessment.

(End of this chapter)