Father of France

Chapter 219 Mountbatten's Resignation
Mountbatten's face practically screamed his disinterest. He had been forced to come here. He was already serving in the Mediterranean and looking forward to his naval career, but the Attlee government forced him to come here on the grounds that British India needed a prestigious and widely respected person to be in charge. Who cares?
Once India gains independence, his name will inevitably be linked to the jewel of the British Empire, not to mention the hundreds of thousands of deaths caused by the partition of India and Pakistan, which will haunt him for the rest of his life.

At this point, Mountbatten had little interest in anything except leaving as soon as possible.

The French can do whatever they want. Are they really going to continue the old ways of the past eight hundred years for a colony that's only a week away from independence? Two colonial powers that are almost relics of the past, fighting again for a colony that's about to gain independence? He just wants to sleep now.

“Governor,” Sir Ismay couldn’t help but remind him, not to forget the mission entrusted to him by the British Empire, and the expectations the current government had for Mountbatten.

"Understood." The middle-aged Governor Mountbatten, lying down, looked impatient, silencing Barron and Ismay, the two civil officials of British India. He had succeeded, because there were few people of higher status than him throughout the British Empire. "When I wake up, I will invite the French Governor to talk in my name."

Baron was about to speak again to persuade her, but Ismail stopped him and replied, "Then Governor, you should rest first, and we can discuss this issue after you have recovered from your fatigue."

As he left Mountbatten's room, Sir Barron said with obvious impatience, "This is a provocation against the British Empire, the most blatant provocation since the Napoleonic Wars."

“You’re right about everything, but it’s not that simple.” Unlike Barron, Ismay had worked in Britain for a long time and had come to British India twice with Mountbatten. He understood the impact of the World War on Britain far better than Barron, who had practically settled in British India.

The mere fact that the United States suddenly terminated the Lend-Lease Act, plunging Britain into a severe financial crisis, was enough to overwhelm the country. Britain was subsequently forced to apply for a huge loan from the United States with stringent terms, totaling $3.75 billion. Britain is now practically held hostage by the United States.

Although Canada was willing to lend a hand to Britain by providing a $1.2 billion loan without any conditions, Britain is now clearly avoiding confrontation with the United States.

Although there were voices advocating for solidarity with France to voice their opinions, both sides were quite vocal, putting Britain in a difficult position.

Britain suffered less damage to buildings than France, but its casualties were almost equal. As for the colonial issue, France could suppress the resistance in French Indochina, while Britain could suppress the resistance in British India, which was ten times larger than that in French Indochina.
Sir Barron still retained a trace of the pride of the British Empire and was unaware of the current difficulties on his homeland. Both de Gaulle and Prime Minister Attlee had carried out nationalization, but the difference was that de Gaulle directly nationalized the prestige of the country, while Prime Minister Attlee's nationalization was carried out through redemption. In this respect alone, Britain spent much more than France.

The difference is that the pre-war French Third Republic had been liquidated, and the newly elected de Gaulle and his supporters could use policies to promote nationalization. However, the British political system was still maintained from before the war, and the basis for a nationalization movement to begin with a single order from the Prime Minister simply did not exist.

For Britain, World War II was a "Pyrrhic victory"—winning the war but losing its empire and world leadership.

"But what about France? Aren't their losses even greater?" Sir Barron couldn't help but ask. Even if Ismay's words were true, would Britain still have to bow down to France?

"Pétain and Darlan have already taken care of the French problem," Ismay replied calmly, only saying half of his sentence. Could Churchill really be responsible for the current situation in Britain?
In fact, comparing the areas of British India and French India, the governors-general of the two countries were certainly not on the same level. However, at this particular time, Britain wanted to treat the governor-general of French India, whose total area was negligible, with courtesy and to figure out what the French really wanted to do.

It wasn't just the British Indian Government that was concerned; Nehru, Patel, and other high-ranking members of the Congress Party were also concerned. In their eyes, Pakistan was a country that could not exist for long, let alone Hyderabad, which was located in the Indian territory and surrounded by enemies.

However, the concerns of the British Indian Government and the Indian National Congress were destined to be fruitless. The French attitude was absolutely excellent, a model of diplomacy, but this matter involved money, which was not a simple issue.

Since Britain has already made its choice between post-independence India and the princely states, it should not interfere with France's choice. India is about to become independent, and Britain itself is about to withdraw from the subcontinent, yet it still wants to interfere with France.

"The French seem to think that Britain's attitude is no longer important," Baron, the High Commissioner for British India, couldn't help but say coldly to Frosois, the High Commissioner for French India.

“That’s a misconception. In fact, you and I, Britain and France, are not as important as they were before the World War,” Flossova replied indifferently.

The conversation between the two high commissioners was more intense than that between the two governors. Britain felt confident that it had France under its control, but France clearly did not think so at the time.

Once British India gained independence, its position as the world's leading colonial empire changed hands. What would Britain have left? In fact, only Africa.

The protectorates in the Middle East are also suffering from the encroachment of American power. After all, protectorates are not colonies, and their control is even weaker than that of colonies.

The relationship between Britain and France has essentially degenerated into a contest for influence on the African continent. From this perspective, France has no reason to care about Britain. Moreover, France hasn't done anything significant; Barron's anger is completely unfounded. France merely sold surplus weapons from World War II, even deliberately avoiding weapons manufactured by Britain and the United States.

It doesn't matter if Indians don't understand, but does the British not understand either? Propeller planes are obsolete in the jet age.

Hyderabad, with the strength of a single nation, is almost insane in its will to fight against the entire subcontinent.

So what are the British angry about? Are they angry on behalf of Nehru and Patel?

Barron seems to have forgotten that Britain had always held the upper hand in diplomatic conflicts with France because Britain was indeed stronger than France. France was not only the relatively weaker party, but it was also constantly preoccupied with its land neighbors. But now that the Germans were sidelined, Britain was in the same situation as France.

At this point, Britain had lost its previous advantage in national power over France, and naturally, it could not expect to gain any advantage in the diplomatic arena.

“Sir Barron, we could easily have dealt with you for a few days. Independence Day is getting closer and closer, and you can’t do much in those few days anyway. But we chose not to. It’s out of honesty that we’re trying to gain some benefits at this crucial time. It’s nothing, especially when you think of American independence.”

High Commissioner Frosois mentioned France's contributions during the American Revolution, and while the United States' current rebellion is equally embarrassing for France, it is fine as long as the embarrassment is not limited to France.

The two governors-general of England and France talked for a long time about France's sudden arms trade with Hyderabad, but of course, they came to no conclusion.

Mountbatten only agreed to talk to Ismay and Barron, but he made no promises about whether anything would come of it.

Mountbatten easily understood the French attitude. He hadn't planned to make any effort anyway; he had only received a guarantee that the Congress Party would discuss the status of French India without resorting to threats. France could accept French India choosing its own status, but it would not accept being occupied.

Nehru and Patel both had to understand that once a military invasion occurred, France would never pretend it had never happened.

Meanwhile, in the distant Deccan Plateau, in Hyderabad, the largest princely state on the subcontinent, a ceremony aimed at demonstrating military power officially began. Three hundred fighter jets and bombers manufactured by Germany and France were not soaring in the air, but on the ground—lined end to end, their engines starting in sequence, forming an endless steel torrent along the main runway and taxiway.

Drivers from Germany and France are taking a walk like elephants, their engines humming softly.

The propellers churned up the scorching air, expelling scalding gusts that flattened the grass around the airport, landing in the eyes of Ali Khan, the Grand Prince of Hyderabad, who was inspecting the troops from the reviewing stand at the runway start.

When the last bomber joined the ranks of steel, the entire airfield trembled. The noise reached its peak, as if the earth itself was roaring.

"The Union Jack will be lowered from New Delhi in a few days, but it will certainly have to go through a severe test before it can be raised in Hyderabad." Koeman's eyes never left the group of aircraft that was walking by. The main reason for this demonstration was that he himself had never seen one before.

Now that such an opportunity has presented itself, there's no reason not to feast our eyes on it; this is a once-in-a-lifetime chance. This is currently the most formidable air force on the subcontinent.

"How long can they maintain their presence in Hyderabad?" Ali Khan didn't want to ask such a discouraging question at this moment, but he couldn't help it.

"I think that adopting a deterrent strategy should take about four or five years, barring any unforeseen circumstances."

Koeman couldn't guarantee anything, and could only give a logical answer. If the intelligence from French India was correct, Britain had only transferred two hundred aircraft to India, less than the size of Hyderabad.

They also mainly use propeller aircraft, which are not superior in quality and are also inferior in quantity.

(End of this chapter)