Father of France

Chapter 189 Emperor Bao Da in the Cracks

According to the ancient tradition of "the victor is king and the loser is a bandit," when both sides have their own reasons, a battle must be fought on the battlefield before the truth can be determined by the outcome.

Otherwise, what makes you think your theory is correct and others are wrong?

That's why Coman felt that if the Qing dynasty's royal family hadn't been a minority, a large-scale civil war between the royalists and the republicans would have been inevitable.

In fact, which country isn't like this? Even Bao Dai, who has now returned to Hue, still had to fight on the battlefield on behalf of the anti-Viet Minh forces.

This is not something that can be resolved by the royalists in Hue simply by staging a heart-wrenching cry.

The truth is that political power grows out of the barrel of a gun. At this time, Emperor Bao, who was being supported by the masses, may or may not have understood this principle.

“Wearing a suit doesn’t have much character.” Koman leaned against the car window, while Ava Gardner leaned against Koman’s back. She had originally thought she would see some exotic scenery, or some traditional clothing or something.

"It's best not to. Wearing a dragon robe wouldn't make him look like a prince. For most people, modern shorts are the most suitable attire." Koman knew at a glance that Emperor Baoda was unlikely to be a suitable candidate.

Although he didn't see Emperor Baoda in his dragon robe, Koeman had an image in his mind of Yuan Shikai ascending the throne in a dragon robe, which was really unacceptable.

Ordinary people really can't wear ancient clothing. Hanfu and Qipao are both unsuitable. They'll either look like eunuchs or not.

Perhaps only prison uniforms can be worn in such an authentic way, without feeling out of place.

Women make up 80% of the Hanfu market. Men buy one out of curiosity to try it on once, and that's basically it.

If you really have spare money, spending it on armor is definitely worthwhile.

“Didn’t Gu Qing help find some craftsmen? If you like it, darling, we’ll provide the materials for him to make it,” Koman said, sitting up straight and glancing at Ava Gardner. “But it might take a while. Real clothing isn’t that easy to make. What color do you like?”

“Dark,” Ava Gardner replied with great interest, her eyes filled with a longing for the unknown.

"Make two sets, you can choose whichever you like." Upon hearing about the color scheme, the image that flashed through Koman's mind was a scene from a movie where Michelle Reis played the empress—the kind commonly known as a female emperor's robe. This was depicted in detail in the old film "The Empress Dowager and the Empress Dowager."

Koeman also decided to make a traditional phoenix coronet and embroidered robe. This dress has not been lost and is used when officials' wives are required to appear at large events.

The main difficulty lies in having money. That's why the clothing market is primarily women's; only mink coats can get Kohler to spend money, nothing else will.

Returning to Hue and meeting with supporters had a significant meaning: it affirmed Hue's status as the former capital. However, Hue's geographical location was not particularly secure, so the administrative units of the Kingdom of Vietnam were temporarily located in Saigon.

That's right, as soon as Emperor Bao Dai returned, the French Indochina colonial government stopped acting, and the reason they gave was perfectly plausible: Hue was indeed located within the Viet Minh's sphere of influence.

If France were to let its guard down and the Viet Minh were to capture Bao Dai, no one wanted to see that outcome.

Therefore, after Bau Dai's restoration, he could only stay in Hue for a period of time, and then temporarily work in Saigon. He would return to the old capital after the situation stabilized. However, there was no need to rush, as Bau Dai needed time to form a government.

France could not help but interfere with Emperor Baoda's government. A large number of appointments had to be recommended by France. Coman lied to Emperor Baoda, saying he was Emperor Xianfeng, but the other party was indeed Puyi.

France must take the lead in jointly dealing with the Viet Minh. Before Bao Dai returned, Corman had already armed Catholics, highland peoples and Hmong to varying degrees.

Emperor Baodai currently has no troops at his disposal. If he could build an army that supports him, even if it were less than 10,000 men, he could negotiate with France. But clearly, Emperor Baodai does not have the time for that right now.

Upon learning of Bao Dai's restoration, his supporters indeed flocked from all over Vietnam and even France, eager to gain a favorable position in the kingdom's political landscape.

Koman also had his own business to attend to. He inquired about the recent progress of the Java Island coalition police operation, which seemed to be going quite smoothly. Dealing with these Third World independence movements was not difficult, and they were currently far from being a match for the old-line imperialist countries.

After the coalition launched a full-scale offensive against the Republic of Indonesia, and after two weeks of fierce fighting, the coalition occupied most of the important cities, transportation routes and deep-water ports along the coast of Indonesia, except for rural areas.

Everything seemed to be going smoothly. The armed forces seeking independence from the Republic of Indonesia had retreated to their homeland on Java, demonstrating their determination not to surrender. Upon arriving at the Governor-General's residence to gather information, Koman learned from Dasangliu that the United States was pressuring the coalition forces on the Indonesian issue, with the strategy of minimizing British and French influence, especially Britain.

In particular, the United States did not want Britain to replace the Netherlands in Indonesia, because it knew that manipulating the Netherlands was much easier than subduing Britain and France.

When the British Embassy in the United States sent a note to the US government stating that Britain accepted the Dutch government's request to pressure the Republic of Indonesia, and inquired whether the United States would do the same, Acheson immediately telegraphed Ford the following day, instructing him to go to Yogyakarta immediately and try to persuade the Republic of Indonesia to accept the Dutch demands. Acheson instructed Ford to keep the purpose of his trip to Yogyakarta a secret—a subtle move by the United States before the police operation.

Although the major cities have now been occupied by the coalition forces, this occupation is not secure. The external transportation of many cities is often cut off by Indonesian military and civilians, and the coalition forces there can only rely on airlift to replenish supplies and equipment.

Even in Yogyakarta, Dutch authorities have had to admit that certain areas of the city are “unsafe.”

The armed forces of the Republic of Indonesia repeatedly stormed Yogyakarta. The Indonesian people in the Dutch-occupied cities also launched a widespread non-cooperation movement.

"It seems we've been too lenient with these Austronesians," Coman said, his tone tinged with menace after gathering the information. "The Dutch and British still seem a bit confused about the pros and cons of land occupation. If you think about it carefully, Java is just an island of less than 100,000 square kilometers. We're using the harshest methods on the locals; without taking drastic measures, we won't solve the problem. This is also a way to gain experience for the problems we might encounter. France also has some unruly islands."

“It seems you have an idea in mind.” General Dashanliu knew from the tone that Koman was preparing to help the coalition forces, who were currently in a superior position.

“I have the idea, but I need to think about it carefully. I’ll prepare a plan.” Koman asked softly, “I wonder how much of a deficit we have in our grain trade with Moscow?”

"Even with the favorable climate in Bangkok and Saigon, the pressure is certainly there, and we still need to find a solution for 800,000 tons," General Dashanliu replied.

Emperor Bao Dai, who had returned to Hue, was exercising his monarchical power, with French reports and draft constitutions piled up on one side of his desk.

Outside the window, the sounds of workers repairing the palace buildings could be heard; his supporters were trying to erase the traces of war and restore the empire's former glory.

But Emperor Baodai knew that rebuilding a palace was far easier than forming a government that could be accepted by all parties.

The door was gently pushed open, and his key advisor—Chen Wenxiao, a law professor who had taught at the University of Paris, led several people in.

The formation of a government is essentially a power distribution, and Emperor Bao Dai had to find that fragile balance between loyal Hue officials, officials from French Indochina Saigon with practical administrative experience, and military commanders with local armed forces.

"Ngo Dinh Diem, you've dealt with the French for many years; the position of Prime Minister is undoubtedly yours." Emperor Bao Dai cut to the chase, his tone decisive yet tinged with a hint of helplessness. Ngo Dinh Diem was fluent in French and had close ties with the colonial authorities, making him key to securing French support and aid. Choosing him was a concession to reality.

Immediately afterward, Emperor Bao Dai looked at Thuong Thi Tuan, who was dressed in military attire. Thuong Thi Tuan was a distant relative of the Nguyen Dynasty royal family and held considerable prestige among the royalist armies in the central region. "General Tuan," Emperor Bao Dai said, "I entrust you with the important task of Minister of Defense. We must quickly reorganize the loyalist armed forces in various regions and establish a true national army, not a private guard composed of numerous factions."

The emperor gave a standard military salute and declared in a loud voice, "Your Majesty, rest assured! Wherever the dragon flag points, the soldiers will fight to the death!"

His loyalty was beyond question, but Emperor Baodai also worried whether these old-style officers could adapt to the modern mode of warfare, or whether they would be too radical and undermine his plan for "gradual independence".

Independence! Almost everyone had this phrase on their lips, whether it was the most powerful factions in the south of France or the Viet Minh in the north.

However, Emperor Baoda, as the monarch, was so bound by the concept of independence that he could hardly move an inch.

He needed French support to maintain his rule and fight against the Viet Minh, but he also had to constantly prove that he was not a puppet of France.

Currently, besides the French army, there are nominally 300,000 Vietnamese National Army soldiers. However, this army was established by the French, so it is difficult to say whether they obey the monarch or the French Indochina Governor-General's Office.

Therefore, an army loyal to him must be established immediately, but can it be successful?
Bao Dai returned to Hue and established a government, but the road to real power was fraught with the shadow of the French, internal divisions, and the watchful eyes of the Viet Minh in the north.

"Yellow beef, I wonder if it suits the Soviet taste, and whether it can fill the rice gap?" Koman has already made contact with Jakarta and has some understanding of agricultural production in Indonesia, especially Java. It is said that there are ten million draft cattle in agricultural production, and they are not inedible.

No one answered, which meant no one objected. Koeman drew up a battle plan centered on digging up rivers, killing cattle, burning forests, destroying farmland, and controlling food supplies. He addressed his silent comrades in the French Indochina Command, saying, "Since no one objects, and some even support it, let's proceed with the mission according to the plan."

(End of this chapter)