Father of France

Chapter 17 Showing Favor to Civil Officials

Of course, an investigation is still needed before that. Since he is personally investigating Chanel's background, there is no need for others to investigate. This will definitely take some time.

Another very important point is that although France has changed governments frequently since the war, due to the conflict in Algeria and the inherent characteristics of its parliamentary system, it is not, as some Americans believe, a semi-military government.

This claim is nothing more than a fabrication stemming from De Gaulle's alleged dumping of US gold reserves in the 1960s.

Therefore, the purge of judicial traitors cannot be entirely led by the military. In fact, the Judicial Purification Commission is also jointly led by a civilian department.

From General Duval, Coman obtained an opportunity to meet with the Secretary General of the French Prime Minister's Office, who is equivalent to the British Cabinet Secretary, but with some differences.

The British Parliament is similar to that of the United States. Although a third party has formed a government, the country is essentially a two-party system.

The position of the British Cabinet Secretary is very secure, serving as a key force in checking and balancing elected members of parliament for a long time. Several long-serving Cabinet Secretaries have also served as the Chief Secretary for the Civil Service and the Chief Secretary to the Treasury. This is how their so-called supreme authority came about.

The British civil service system evolved, while the French political system was a product of revolution. Compared to Britain, the French revolution was certainly more thorough. France's parliamentary system, with its numerous political parties, is a predecessor to Japan and Italy, which frequently changed governments.

Therefore, although the French Prime Minister's Office Secretary General has the same powers as the British Cabinet Secretary General, their term of office follows the change of the French government.

Given the speed of government changes in France, let alone completing a four-year term like in other countries, even two years would be considered a major hurdle.

Now that we are in wartime, the military certainly has more power than in peacetime. But once the war ends, normal countries will not rely too much on the military and will eventually restore the normal system. Rather than having someone else do this, it is better for Koeman to come out and make goodwill directly.

France is currently in a special period, and the most recent prime minister was Fernand de Brionon, the prime minister of Vichy France. As the head of government of Vichy France, he naturally could not escape being purged.

If we're talking about the prime minister now, it's actually Charles de Gaulle himself. So, when the prime minister's position is vacant, the secretary-general of the French Prime Minister's Office, a civil servant, can act as prime minister and exercise all the powers of the prime minister.

This is a good opportunity, at least Koeman thinks so. He really doesn't want to deal with elected politicians. Who knows what kind of public opinion they represent?
The current Secretary General of the French Prime Minister's Office is Henri Freyner, the leader of the French resistance. He was appointed to be in charge of the interior after the liberation of Paris. At that time, the leader of France was Charles de Gaulle himself, so he, as the Secretary General of the Prime Minister's Office, was naturally the de facto prime minister.

Although it is unknown whether this French version of supreme authority will transition from a civil servant to a politician in the future, at this time he is still diligently managing the post-war reconstruction of France.

When the company began collecting evidence about whether Chanel was a French collaborator, Corman appeared before Henri Freyner. Considering the importance of the French forces in the Mediterranean direction, Henri Freyner made an exception and met with a warrant officer.

“Comman, you’re not that old. Is it appropriate for you to come here in your father’s name?” Although it was still wartime, Henri Freyner, dressed respectably, scrutinized the uninvited guest before him. “You know, Paris has just been liberated, and there are still areas occupied by the Germans. I’m very busy here.”

"Busy with reconstruction and resettlement of refugees? Your Excellency Secretary-General, that is indeed very important, but my purpose in coming is equally important."

Koeman remained noncommittal in the face of criticism. He acknowledged that time is a crucial factor in any field, citing the saying that even a pig could become a celestial being in a million years. While the leadership of Whitehall in Britain is built on internal succession and accumulated authority over time, in France's political system, even two years as Secretary General to the Prime Minister is considered a long time for someone like Henri Freyner.

Who lasts longer? After much thought, it seems that only he, wearing a military uniform, can ensure the army's longevity.

Henry Freyner became somewhat interested. "Speaking of which, you seem to be very knowledgeable about domestic affairs? You think the reconstruction work will be very simple."

"I think we could take a look at the Soviet Union, which the French Communist Party greatly admires, and formulate a five-year plan to quickly complete the post-war reconstruction. Although this is not the purpose of my visit today, it can be considered a suggestion."

Without hesitation, Koeman replied that France had indeed implemented five-year plans, and more than one.

France's first five-year plan resulted in an industrial increase of about 50 percent, with coal and steel production returning to pre-war levels.

However, this five-year plan was only implemented in 1947. Could it be that France couldn't rebuild while fighting like the Soviet Union? Did it lack the spare resources?
“Five-Year Plan?” Henri Freyner muttered the term, which seemed to be exclusive to the Soviet Union, and replied, “Isn’t this thing too closely related to the Soviet Union?”

“We can change the name. We can change the way we operate.” Koeman then changed the subject, “Your Excellency, may I now request your assistance? The previous suggestion doesn’t count. I can offer another urgent suggestion, and I hope to get feedback on it, to establish a harmonious relationship between the military and civilians.”

France has its own administrative system. Elections are now a mere formality, but the civil service system has been restored. Decisions to plunder Germany must be made by the civil service system. Only when there is a legitimate reason for action can the military take action.

France, having been occupied for four years, was absent from the highest level of comprehensive national power competition—war—and was certainly inferior to countries that exerted all their efforts to cope with the war.

Although postwar France's development was not slow, especially compared to its centuries-old dubious ally Britain, it could have been much faster.

At this moment, a comprehensive plan can be formulated to salvage the already formidable situation of Germany.

Less than a month after the liberation of Paris, Henri Freyner was in a state of utter chaos, with a mountain of domestic problems to deal with. He had no time to think about how to plunder Germany.

However! He only didn't think of it for a moment; as soon as someone made a similar suggestion, he instantly realized it was a good idea.

Faced with two sincere and effective suggestions from Coman, Henri Freyner would no longer regard the warrant officer in front of him as someone who had come to make fun of him.

“What I just said requires a reward,” Henri Freyner said approvingly. “Now you can state your true purpose this time, on behalf of your father or on behalf of…”

“We hope to guarantee the rights of all soldiers who fight for the country.” Koeman’s collectivism erupted at this moment. “After all, we are a country where ten-year-old boys can go to the battlefield and five-year-old boys can contribute to the war effort.”

(End of this chapter)