A son who doesn't resemble his father? Love you, old man, see you at Xuanwu Gate!

Chapter 297 Basket
The Prime Minister's Office was abolished, and the system of appointing a prime minister was dissolved.

It was like a thunderclap that exploded in the ears of everyone in the Xuan Shi Hall.

No one dared to believe what they had heard, let alone believe what the old prime minister was saying, or rather, whether the old prime minister even knew what he was saying.
Being young, the only ones who could react at this moment, besides Liu Ju, were Chen Mo.

Throughout history, monarchs have always viewed the power of the prime minister as a threat, for reasons that can be summarized in five points.

First, power is too concentrated and too independent.

As the head of all officials, the prime minister was in charge of all administrative affairs and had all-encompassing power, such as selecting officials, presiding over court discussions, and carrying out punishments. Moreover, he often established his own government and appointed his own officials, forming a power center independent of the imperial power.

This independence could allow the power of the prime minister to divide and constrain imperial power, and even threaten the emperor's authority.

Taking the current dynasty as an example, prime ministers such as Xiao He and Cao Can were "second only to the emperor, above all others, and had no power over anything," essentially equal to the imperial power.

Even during the reign of His Majesty, Prime Minister Tian Fen held great power, and his personnel appointments even prompted His Majesty to exclaim, "I also wish to appoint a few people."

Personnel matters are politics. Power is only accountable to the source of power. Whoever controls personnel controls politics, and thus controls the world.

Second, decision-making and information monopoly.

The prime minister often dominates the court's decision-making, such as rejecting imperial edicts and reviewing memorials. If he so desires, he can influence the will of the emperor.

When the prime minister monopolizes information power, such as the power to screen memorials or personnel appointments, such as the power to control the promotion of officials, it poses a substantial challenge to imperial power.

All promotions of Han Dynasty officials required the approval of the Prime Minister's office. Such information asymmetry directly threatened the security of imperial power.

Third, lessons from history.

During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, a large number of powerful ministers emerged, such as Ji Zhong, who was known as the "first powerful minister of the Spring and Autumn period." He was deeply trusted by Duke Zhuang of Zheng and successively assisted four of Duke Zhuang's sons as rulers. He controlled the Zheng state for decades and had the power to depose and install rulers.

For example, Qingfu conspired with Ai Jiang to murder the ruler, killing two rulers of Lu in succession, leaving behind the saying "If Qingfu is not dead, the troubles of Lu will not end."

For example, Li Yuan gained favor with King Kaolie of Chu through his younger sister Li Yanyan, plotted to kill Lord Chunshen Huang Xie, and usurped power in the State of Chu.

……

Each and every case, with its bloody precedents, revealed the excessive power of ministers, especially the power of the prime minister. The abuse of power, the cultivation of cronies, the arbitrary decisions, and even the assassination of the emperor to establish a new regime, all of which made the imperial power wary of the prime minister's power and worried about the loss of imperial authority.

Fourth, the contradictions within the system.

The essence of imperial power and prime ministerial power lies in the conflict between the autocratic mentality of "keeping the world in a basket" and the prime minister's autonomy.

The "basket" symbolizes the ruler's tool for hoarding the world, and the law becomes a means to maintain autocratic privileges. Its characteristics are "not wanting to leave benefits to the people, but wanting to collect blessings from the people," that is, monopolizing resources and strengthening control.

"Hidden power in a basket" refers to a ruler who highly concentrates the interests and power of the world in his own hands, and prevents others from coveting them through strict laws and institutional designs. In essence, it is the private interest logic of "the law of one family".

If one appoints a person, one will suspect their selfishness; if another person is appointed to check them, one must guard against fraud in their actions. This layered approach to security leads to a tight legal net.

The emperor needed to rely on the prime minister to handle government affairs, but he also suspected the prime minister of selfishness or deception, which made the relationship between the emperor and his minister fragile.

His Majesty is attempting to change things. He has not only established a system of inner and outer courts, but also used methods to undermine the power of the prime minister by the inner court, such as the Secretariat. Although all of this has not yet happened, if it is as His Majesty intended, the Secretariat and the Central Secretariat will become threats again, and the cycle of contradictions will continue.

Fifth, changes in social structure. After the prefecture-county system replaced the feudal system, centralized power was strengthened, and the imperial power needed to control resources more directly.

If the prime minister, as a representative of the bureaucratic group, were to form an alliance with local forces, it would directly shake the foundation of imperial power.

The kings of different surnames after the founding of the Han Dynasty are a ready example.

Emperor Gao used every means to eliminate the disloyal princes of different surnames, but he also burned himself out and passed away.

In conclusion, there was a fundamental contradiction between the administrative dominance of the Prime Minister's Office and the centralized power demanded by the emperor.

Faced with a power struggle, a wise ruler in power, and a lack of successors, Gongsun Hong, the teacher, reluctantly made the difficult decision to end the prime minister system.

Chen Mo couldn't help but recall the views on imperial power and prime ministerial power in the Yuanzu family's teachings. Yuanzu believed that any capable ruler would inevitably use various means to divide the prime ministerial power until a supreme ruler arrived and abolished the prime ministerial system in order to strengthen the autocratic power of the emperor.

Emperor Yuanzu believed that between imperial power and the power of the prime minister, imperial power would ultimately prevail.

Given the current situation, the prophecy of the Yuanzu Emperor has clearly deviated significantly. The power of the prime minister was not destroyed after being divided and gradually devoured by the imperial power, but rather it was destined to end at its peak.

The power that the teacher held in his position was among the greatest in the entire history of China. The pact between the emperor and the teacher, made amidst the green hills and pine trees, can be regarded as a model of ruler and minister throughout the ages.

But it was precisely because of this bond between ruler and subject that the teacher was willing to repay it with the destruction of his own position.

However, the ancestor's prediction that imperial power would ultimately prevail was correct.

Chen Mo couldn't quite describe his feelings. Perhaps it was related to his lack of chance to become a high-ranking official. What did it matter whether something was destroyed or not, since he was destined not to have it?

But he thought of his two senior brothers waiting outside the hall, Mo Zimo and Huo Guang. Their teacher had often used the position of Chancellor of the Han Dynasty as bait, saying that the position of Chancellor of the Han Dynasty would be theirs sooner or later. He treated his two senior brothers like mandarin fish in the Yangtze River. They worked day and night, and after finishing the state affairs, they had to deal with the internal and external affairs of the Chancellor's Mansion. They rarely had time to put their feet on the ground.

He looks so weathered at such a young age.

Just thinking about how Mozi and Huo Guang reacted when they heard that the Han Dynasty wanted to abolish the prime minister system made Chen Mo want to laugh.

Wei Qing and Huo Qubing did not fully understand the struggle between imperial power and the power of the prime minister, but they knew how much effort His Majesty had made in the past to weaken the power of the prime minister. They looked at the old prime minister with eyes full of respect.

A pillar of the nation, we wholeheartedly admire him!
Zhang Tang is going crazy!

Although the emperor had granted him a "glorious retirement," he still harbored a sliver of hope in his heart. Given the current situation of a lack of capable successors in the Han Dynasty, was there any possibility, even a mere chance, that the emperor might elevate him to the position of Chancellor of the Han Dynasty? Even if it was just a temporary transition, even if he were a clay or wooden statue, he would be willing to sacrifice himself to stay in that position.

The old prime minister wanted to "remove the fuel from under the cauldron," meaning there would be no more prime ministers in the world. How could this be allowed?

"Your..."

Before Zhang Tang could speak, Liu Ju, seated on his throne, looked at Gongsun Hong and solemnly asked, "Old Prime Minister, have you thought it through?"

He originally planned to carry out the reforms of the prime minister's power and the Han Dynasty's official system after the old prime minister passed away. He also anticipated the possible turmoil in the court. However, if the old prime minister was willing to cooperate, then all the turmoil might not occur.

In that case, the old prime minister's sacrifice was far too great.

"Even if I were to be shattered to pieces, I could never repay the kindness of my lord!"

(End of this chapter)