Great Song Dynasty Writer

Chapter 299 Unimaginable Difficulty

The hundreds of days and nights of hard study since the transmigration have now come in handy.

The title of the postscript from the Analects seemed to be engraved in his mind; as soon as he saw a trace of it, the whole text would appear.

He picked up his brush and dipped it in ink.

Without preparation or hesitation, it was driven by instinct.

Lu Beigu's pen moved swiftly across the draft paper.

One by one, the neat and vigorous regular script characters, like well-trained soldiers, quickly lined up and took shape on the blank paper.

In less than half an incense stick's time, the blank spaces on the draft paper were filled with neat and perfect answers.

Lu Beigu put down his pen, checked the questions twice, and then copied them onto the exam paper.

I won't get a single question wrong.

This is Lu Beigu's confidence.

He closed his eyes again, tucked his hands into his sleeves, and felt the faint warmth from the bronze hand warmer. The brief relaxation after his intense concentration made his senses even more acute.

The examination hall was now completely silent.

Occasionally, the heavy, rhythmic footsteps of the imperial guards patrolling the area could be heard in the distance, their iron armor scales making a cold, clattering sound as they rubbed together.

Further away, there seemed to be suppressed coughing sounds, which were immediately forcibly suppressed, leaving only a few rapid and slight gasps.

Two hours passed, and the clerks, as before, came to collect the papers in pairs.

After lunch, the clerks came in the afternoon to distribute the examination papers.

Lu Beigu picked up the scroll of inscriptions, which was even thicker than the sutra.

—The real contest has only just begun.

The examination of "Mo Yi" (墨义) tested not only memorization, but also the understanding, interpretation, and application of the classics, which was precisely the difficulty of the Song Dynasty's imperial examinations.

Each question addresses profound and subtle issues that have been debated endlessly by great Confucian scholars throughout history.

Lu Beigu's focus deepened, and his gaze calmly fell on the first question.

The *Spring and Autumn Annals* records, "In the nineteenth year of Duke Zhuang, the prince arranged a marriage with a woman from Chen at Juan, and subsequently formed an alliance with the Duke of Qi and the Duke of Song." The *Guliang Commentary* states, "The high officials have no power to accomplish anything. What does this mean? In betrothal rites, the high officials receive orders but do not accept replies. If, upon leaving the capital, there is something that can secure the state and benefit the country, then they may act unilaterally." The *Gongyang Commentary* states, "The high officials have no power to accomplish anything. What does this mean? It means the duke cannot govern." He Xiu's commentary criticizes this as "falsely claiming the king's command and acting unilaterally."

Both incidents are written with the character "遂" (suì), yet the praise and criticism differ: one praises it as "perfectly appropriate," while the other condemns it as "arrogant and self-willed." Wherein lies the Master's balance in writing "遂"? How can we distinguish between the good and the bad of "专" (zhuān, meaning exclusive control)? Let us consult the classics and commentaries to clarify its meaning and precedent.

This question tests an important diplomatic principle from the Spring and Autumn Period: when a high-ranking official is sent on a mission, he can only fulfill the emperor's order and cannot do anything extra after completing the mission.

Therefore, Confucius believed that Zhongsun Mie's unauthorized participation in building a city at Hulao after the alliance meeting at Qi was an act of usurpation, and wrote "successfully" to condemn him.

Lu Beigu put down his pen and wrote it down.

The principle of "following orders" in the Book of Master Confucius lies in examining the facts and weighing the severity of the situation. For example, if a prince were to take a concubine to Juan, and suddenly the alliance between Qi and Song was about to begin, border conflicts would be imminent. If he were to adhere to the usual procedure and rescind his order, the state would be in danger. Therefore, the Guliang Commentary allowed him to "act unilaterally," because his heart was set on securing the country and benefiting the state, without any selfish motives. Conversely, if the matter does not benefit the ruler or the state, and the action does not help the people, then it is acceptable to request a reply. To act unilaterally is to be arrogant and presumptuous. For example, when Prince Sui went to Zhou, he falsely claimed an imperial decree to visit Jin, merely to fulfill his own ambitions. He Xiu condemned him for "acting arbitrarily," because his heart was set on overstepping his authority for personal gain and showing contempt for his ruler. Therefore, to distinguish between the good and the evil of "acting arbitrarily," one must first consider the intention: if it is for the public good, it is good; if it is for personal gain, it is evil. Second, consider the situation: if it is urgent, one should plead; if it is urgent, one should make a decisive decision. Third, examine the effect: if it benefits the country, it is acceptable; if it harms the government, it is rebellious. The Spring and Autumn Annals is not bound by the constant principle of "not accomplishing anything," but rather embodies the way of expediency.

The first three questions were all taken from the Gongyang Commentary.

The first question was of moderate difficulty, and the second question not only did not increase the difficulty, but was actually an easy question.

The Gongyang Commentary states, "In the fifteenth year of Duke Xuan's reign, the first tax was levied on the land. Why is this recorded? It is a criticism! Why is it a criticism? It is a criticism that the first land was taxed." He Xiu's commentary explains that Duke Xuan feared a calamity and a return to the past, hence the record of "a great harvest." However, the Spring and Autumn Annals always records this, and there is no mention of "no land tax."

If Duke Xuan had indeed restored the ancient system, how should the *Spring and Autumn Annals* record it? He Xiu's claim of "fearing disaster and restoring the old ways" contradicts Confucius's condemnation of "changing the ancient ways and altering the established order."

Since the Yin and Zhou dynasties, the well-field system was widely practiced in China. The well-field system was divided into private fields and public fields. Slaves were required to work without pay in public fields, which was known as "the law of slavery". However, with the gradual development of productivity, this law was no longer applicable to actual production and life.

The promulgation of the "First Tax on Land" signifies that the State of Lu officially announced the abolition of the well-field system, recognized private land ownership, and levied taxes on all land. On a political level, this was a serious violation of the "Rites of Zhou," a sign of the rulers' insatiable greed, and the beginning of a corrupt and improper regime.

Anyway, for questions with such obvious answers, whatever the examiner is implying between the lines, just answer according to their preferred interpretation. Lu Beigu answered it in no time.

As for fishing? Impossible.

He could still understand the intentions behind the exam papers set by Ouyang Xiu, Mei Yaochen, and their group.

The third and final question, which comes from the Gongyang Commentary, is a bit more challenging.

The Spring and Autumn Annals records that "the first year of Duke Ding's reign is missing the phrase 'the first month of the king'." The Gongyang Commentary says, "Ding did not have a first month because it was after he ascended the throne." The Guliang Commentary says, "Zhao did not have a proper end, therefore Ding did not have a proper beginning." However, Duke Zhuang also died outside the capital, and the first year of his reign is recorded as "the first month of the king's reign."

Duke Ding arrived more than a year later, and the Ji family ruled as regent for half a year. Does this "absence of a first month" imply that Duke Ding's succession was illegitimate? Or is it a lament for the temporary end of the Lu dynasty's lineage?

After reading the question, Lu Beigu had a sense of déjà vu.

He remembered that when he took the county-level examination in Hejiang County, he had answered the same questions based on the original text, but the questions were slightly different.

After careful consideration, Lu Beigu decided to answer with "rebellious ministers and traitors are afraid" as the core message.

"Duke Ding did not record 'the first month of the king' not to criticize his illegitimate succession, but to lament the extinction of the Lu lineage. In the past, when Duke Zhuang died, he recorded 'the first month of the king' more than a year later, so that when the ruler died, the state had a successor and the ancestral temple could continue to follow the correct calendar. However, when Duke Ding succeeded to the throne, Duke Zhao died in exile in Qianhou, and Duke Ding did not return until six months later. The Ji family acted as regent for half a year and presumptuously performed the rites of a king."

During the first month of the lunar calendar, the Lu state was without a ruler, and rites and music were in vain. The omission of "first month" in the *Spring and Autumn Annals* is a scathing critique of the Ji family's usurpation of the throne and a lament for the temporary cessation of the Zhou dynasty's rule in Lu. The *Gongyang Commentary*'s statement of "after ascending the throne" is merely a superficial observation, and the *Guliang Commentary*'s statement of "no proper end" is erroneous. Confucius's profound meaning is that "the king's first month" is not merely a record of time, but a crucial principle for the survival and continuation of a broken dynasty. The Ji family's impersonation of the ruler's rites was like walking on thin ice; therefore, these three words were omitted to instill fear in rebellious ministers and traitors.

After answering the three questions from the Gongyang Commentary, the next three questions are from the Zuo Commentary.

In Lu Beigu's opinion, these three questions were not low in difficulty, but they were not particularly difficult either.

The Zuo Zhuan records that in the twelfth year of Duke Zhao, Nan Kuai divined the auspiciousness of a yellow skirt, and Zifu Huibo said, "It is good to cultivate the three virtues." Du Yu's commentary states that the three virtues are "uprightness, firmness, and gentleness" from the Hong Fan. However, Nan Kuai ultimately rebelled and was defeated, while Mu Jiang encountered the auspiciousness of "great success, benefit, and perseverance" and knew that she was without virtue and could not escape disaster. Which is more fundamental: divination or moral self-cultivation? Should the cultivation of the "three virtues" be based on tortoise shells and divination slips, or on personal practice? Let us analyze the profound meaning of this passage in the Zuo Zhuan.

"The Zuo Zhuan records that in the 29th year of Duke Xiang, Ji Zha heard the song of the Lesser Odes and sighed, 'Thinking without wavering, complaining without speaking, is this a sign of the decline of the Zhou dynasty?' But Wang Tong's Zhongshuo says the opposite: 'How can the Lesser Odes be a sign of decline? It is a sign of the Zhou dynasty's prosperity!' How can two different interpretations contradict each other when a single poem is used to judge prosperity and decline? How can the meaning of the Lesser Odes, 'complaining without causing chaos,' be reconciled with the differences between Ji Zha and Wen Zhongzi?"

"The Zuo Zhuan records, 'In the seventh year of Duke Zhao, Meng Xizi fell ill and was unable to perform the rites. He bequeathed to his two sons that they should study under Confucius. Confucius said, "He who can make amends for his mistakes is a gentleman." However, Xizi regretted his actions when he was about to die, and Confucius's sagehood was not recognized by his contemporaries. Is the value of making amends in early realization or in practicing it to the end? Observing Xizi's 'merits being illustrious after his death,' what can we learn from the sage's way of treating the world with understanding and forgiveness?" For the sixth question, Lu Beigu concluded with the famous saying, "Who is without fault? To err and then correct oneself is the greatest virtue."

After answering the questions on the interpretation of the classics, specifically the parts on the Gongyang Commentary and the Zuo Commentary, most of the time had already passed, and there wasn't much time left.

Lu Beigu paused briefly, moved his somewhat stiff fingers, and then turned his gaze to the section on the Guliang Commentary.

I don’t know, I’m scared.

The remaining four questions, all from the Guliang Commentary, were extremely difficult; none of them were easy.

This raised the overall difficulty of the Mozi (a type of Chinese essay) section of the Ministry of Rites' provincial examination in the second year of the Jiayou era to an unimaginable level.

The seventh question is: "The *Guliang Commentary* records, 'In the fourth year of Duke Xi's reign, it praises Duke Huan of Qi for invading Cai and defeating the enemy, but 'not taking over their land, nor distributing their people,' which is a clear and just act.' However, the same commentary says, 'Invasion means including the people and driving cattle and horses.' Since driving people is considered a crime of invasion, why is Duke Huan praised for 'not distributing his people'? Isn't this because he was trying to save China by repelling Chu? In the *Spring and Autumn Annals*, is the standard of 'clear and just' based on adhering to the classics or on expediency?"

This question tests the strict distinction between "invasion" and "attacking" in the Spring and Autumn Annals.

As the saying goes, “The crude are called invasions, the refined are called attacks. When it comes to war, we do not say attacks; when it comes to encirclement, we do not say war; when it comes to entry, we do not say encirclement; when it comes to annihilation, we do not say entry. We record the most important things.” The Spring and Autumn Annals emphasizes that “the king has no outsiders.” Therefore, it deeply abhors the behavior of the feudal lords who arbitrarily use weapons, seize land, and divide people’s people. It records such events to condemn them.

Lu Beigu wrote it down with a focused mind.

"The main principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals is to rectify names and distinctions, differentiate between the Chinese and the barbarians, strictly guard against the distinctions between the Chinese and the barbarians, and also strictly regulate the ranks of the feudal lords. In terms of conquest, it is particularly careful to distinguish between 'invasion' and 'attack,' saying that 'the crude is called invasion, and the refined is called attack.' 'Invasion' refers to the act of secretly sending troops to plunder territory without announcing the crime, and the crime is minor; 'attack' refers to the act of publicly denouncing the crime and launching a war with the sounding of bells and drums, but it is not the army of a true king."

Regarding the issue of "land distribution to the people," the *Spring and Autumn Annals* deeply abhorred it, criticizing Duke Xiang of Song for not attacking Weiji and Buchenglie. Even in defeat, he was considered honorable, deeply regretting his inability to repel the barbarians and protect the people and land of China. Therefore, whenever the *Spring and Autumn Annals* records the taking of land and towns, or the relocation of people and captives, such as "the people of Qi taking Huan and Xi" and "the people of Jin capturing the Marquis of Wei and bringing him back to the capital," it records the events directly, without giving them any "legitimate" justification for the acquisition of land and distribution to the people. This is clear evidence of their crime, the so-called "praise or criticism in a single word." Land and people are granted by the Son of Heaven; to take or distribute them without royal command is a great act of usurpation and evil, and thus it is specifically recorded to condemn it.

The eighth question is a very difficult analytical question that will give you a headache.

"The *Guliang Commentary* records, 'In the first year of Duke Cheng's reign, Qiu made Jia, which was not proper.' This criticizes the harm caused by the change of agricultural and industrial positions. Du Yu interprets this as 'Qiu levied land taxes,' but Duke Ai's 'using land taxes' already doubled, which was considered insufficient. If the taxes were indeed four times higher than in ancient times, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* should have recorded it as 'tyrannical' rather than just 'criticizing.' Is Du Yu's error simply because he is ignorant of the *Spring and Autumn Annals*'s precedent of 'changing the ancient ways and altering the norm' and recording it as 'made'?"

The Zhou Li (Rites of Zhou) records in the section on the Earth Official and the Lesser Minister of Education: "Nine men make a well, four wells make a town, four towns make a hill, and four hills make a field." The so-called "hill" is the name of a local grassroots organization, and "armor" refers to armor. Therefore, "making hill armor" means making everyone in a hill make armor.

Lu Beigu pondered for a long time before writing it down.

"Du Yu's claim that the 'Qiu Chu Dian Fu' (丘出甸赋) was four times the amount levied on the people greatly contradicts the 'zuo' (作) method in the Spring and Autumn Annals. The Spring and Autumn Annals has two examples of 'zuo' (作): if it is to change the ancient ways for the benefit of the people, it is written directly, such as 'zuo sanjun' (作三军); if it is to levy taxes tyrannically and harm the law, it must be punished, such as 'yong tian fu' (用田赋), which is written 'chu' (初) to indicate the initial disaster. Now, in 'Qiu Chuo Jia' (丘作甲), it is only written as 'not proper' (非正), without adding the accusations of 'tyranny' (暴) or 'cruelty' (虐), which is enough to prove that the tax was not drastically increased."

According to the *Zhou Li*, each *qiu* (丘) had sixteen wells, and each was required to produce one warhorse and three oxen as a regular tax. However, during the reign of Duke Cheng, frequent military raids occurred, leading to an order to increase the production of armor and helmets at each *qiu*. This resulted in the establishment of military units during the agricultural off-season. The *Guliang Zhuan* criticizes this "change of occupation between farmers and laborers," expressing concern about the disruption of agricultural work and the breakdown of the traditional division of labor, not the imposition of taxes. Du Yu's interpretation of "the *qiu* producing *dianfu*" makes Duke Cheng's taxes four times higher than before. However, Duke Ai's "doubling of land tax" already led to "insufficient funds in the public treasury." If Duke Cheng had indeed collected four times the amount, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* would have recorded "the first tax on armor" and prominently featured "famine" and "theft."

Therefore, Du's interpretation is flawed in three ways: first, by simply recording "made" without mentioning "beginning," he avoids establishing an precedent for the initial disaster; second, he confuses the distinction between established military taxation and extortionate levies; and third, he contradicts the original intent of the *Guliang Commentary*, which denounces "changing posts" as not being "heavy taxation." In short, "Qiu made armor" was a wartime militia preparation, and Confucius's criticism of it as "improper" was intended to warn future generations against abandoning the foundation of the well-field system and initiating a nationwide movement of soldiers. If Du's interpretation were true, then the *Spring and Autumn Annals* should compare "taxes on land" and "land taxes" with the addition of the word "beginning"—how could such leniency be tolerated?

After answering the question, Lu Beigu felt a slight dizziness, and even the words in front of him seemed to be crooked.

He closed his eyes and rubbed his temples, finally feeling a little better.

However, for some reason, his vision was still a little skewed, and he could only endure the discomfort and continue answering.

The last two questions were also extremely difficult.

The Spring and Autumn Annals states, "If one does not go to the suburbs, one should still pay homage to the temple three times." The Guliang Commentary says, "The word 'still' means 'can be stopped.' However, the phrase 'If one does not inform the moon in the intercalary month, one should still pay homage to the temple' is also written with the word 'still'."

The meaning of the character '犹' (yóu) is twofold: firstly, to criticize its "unceasing" nature, and secondly, to express relief that it "has not been abandoned." When Confucius wrote about "犹" in his "Three Views," was he lamenting the remnants of the Zhou rites, or was he condemning the extreme usurpation of power by Lu?

The original text of this question does not actually come from the *Guliang Commentary*, but from the *Gongyang Commentary*, specifically the 31st year of Duke Xi's reign, which records: "What are the three offerings? They are offerings to the gods. So, what kind of offerings are made? Offerings to Mount Tai, the Yellow River, and the Sea. Why offer sacrifices to Mount Tai, the Yellow River, and the Sea? Among the mountains and rivers that can moisten a hundred li, the Son of Heaven performs a ritual sacrifice to them. Those that emerge from rocks, gather in a few inches, and rain throughout the world in less than a morning are only Mount Tai. The Yellow River and the Sea moisten a thousand li. What is the reason for this? It is because they can be used for other purposes. Why is this recorded? It is a criticism. Why is it criticized? It is a criticism of offering sacrifices to the gods without going to the suburbs."

The Gongyang scholars believed that the State of Lu had overstepped the rites of the Son of Heaven by performing the "Wangji," which was a sacrifice to the mountains and rivers within its territory. Moreover, performing the Wangji without performing the grand ceremony of the Southern Suburbs Sacrifice to Heaven was a double breach of etiquette, so they wrote "you" to criticize it.

However, Guliang scholars do not think so.

The wording of this question is very misleading. If test takers answer according to the viewpoint of the Guliang Commentary, they will fall into a trap.

In other words, some test takers with ingrained thought patterns, after answering the penultimate question, will habitually assume that the question comes from the Guliang Commentary and therefore should follow the Guliang Commentary's approach.

But who explicitly stipulated that?

So ostensibly, the exam tests knowledge of the Guliang Commentary, but in reality, it tests knowledge of the Gongyang Commentary.

Lu Beigu replied.

The Master's phrase "still looking three times" is not out of pity for the remnants of the Zhou rites, but rather to condemn the Duke of Lu's usurpation. Examining the two uses of the word "still" in the Spring and Autumn Annals, in the phrase "in the intercalary month, the new moon is not announced, yet the court is still held at the ancestral temple," it expresses gratitude that the rites were abandoned but a lineage remained; however, in "not offering sacrifices at the suburbs, yet still looking three times," it criticizes the abandonment of major rites while indulging in minor rituals. The Guliang Commentary's statement that "it is acceptable" does not fully grasp the true meaning.

The suburban sacrifice to Heaven, a ritual bestowed upon the Son of Heaven by the Duke of Zhou, was a special privilege of Lu. The three-fold offering of sacrifices to Heaven was also the Son of Heaven's prerogative, and Lu's actions constituted usurpation of this prerogative. To fail to perform the suburban sacrifice when it is due is to disobey the king's command; to offer sacrifices to Heaven without performing them is to steal the majesty of Heaven. Therefore, the word "still" is not to commend their continued practice of sacrifice, but to condemn their abandonment of the fundamental for the superficial, their usurpation and self-dealing. Observing Confucius's removal of "Duke Xi sacrificed to the Supreme God" as "Xi," and his writing of "Duke Wen's rebellious sacrifice" as "improper," we know that Lu's suburban sacrifices to Heaven were not their due. If they truly pitied the Zhou rites, they would have written "benevolent beast" for "the capture of the unicorn during the western hunt," not used the word "still" as a mockery.

After answering the question, he felt that there was not much time left, and his nerves were stretched to the limit.

Let's look at the last question.

The Guliang Commentary states, "In the first year of Duke Ding's reign, in the month of Yu, it was the proper time for Yu. At that time, the poor had exhausted their strength before they could perform Yu. Praying before a drought was deemed 'improper.' However, the people's suffering was like a raging fire; why wait until the land is scorched before seeking help?"
If we insist on waiting until 'human strength is exhausted' before performing the rain-making ceremony, are we tolerating their deaths? Is the true essence of performing the rain-making ceremony in accordance with the opportune time and month? Is it in upholding the ruler's sincerity in caring for the people?

This question originates from the interpretation of "Yu" in the Guliang Commentary, which refers to the ritual of praying for rain by offering sacrifices to the moon.

The Guliang Commentary on the fifth year of Duke Huan records, "In autumn, there is a great rain-making ceremony. The month of the rain-making ceremony is called 'Yu' (雩). If the rain-making ceremony brings rain, it is called 'Yu' (雩). If the rain-making ceremony does not bring rain, it is called 'Han' (旱) (meaning drought)."

Scholars from the Guliang School believe that when the Spring and Autumn Annals records the "Yu" sacrifice, it includes the month, such as "autumn, eighth month, Yu", indicating that this Yu sacrifice is a "regular Yu" that conforms to the ritual system, that is, a regular sacrifice; if the month is not written and only "Yu" is written, it may be a "drought Yu" held temporarily due to drought, which carries a derogatory connotation.

The *Guliang Commentary* explains the term "Yu" (雩) with emphasis on its timing and ritual. It records, "In the autumn of the fifth year of Duke Huan's reign, a great Yu was performed. The Yu month is the proper month. If the Yu brings rain, it is called Yu; if it does not, it is called drought." It also states, "If the Yu brings rain, it is called Yu; if it does not, it is called drought." This means that the Yu sacrifice has a regular ritual, performed in early summer when a dragon appears. This is to pray to Heaven for a good harvest, in accordance with the seasons, hence the month is recorded to indicate its proper time. If, during an extraordinary time, a Yu is performed due to drought, it is called "drought Yu," which is a change in ritual and not an auspicious event. Therefore, the *Spring and Autumn Annals* only records "Yu" without mentioning the month. Recording the month clarifies that it is a proper ritual performed in accordance with the seasons; not recording the month indicates a change in ritual due to an extraordinary time. This is the subtle meaning of the *Guliang Commentary*'s careful adherence to ritual and its emphasis on warnings against disasters and anomalies.

The Master wrote that the "Yu Yue" (雩月, the month of rain) was "correct" not because he could bear to see the people suffer, but because he criticized the ruler of Lu for going against the season. He was negligent in performing the sacrifices during the height of summer when the yang energy was strong, and then hastily carried them out in late autumn when the yin energy was weakening. This was his fault of being "incorrect." As for the sincerity of concern for the people, we can see from Duke Wen's "burning of the witches" (not recorded in the *Spring and Autumn Annals*) and Duke Xiang's dancing boy (criticized by the *Gongyang Commentary* for "drought") that the Yu sacrifice was about revering Heaven and diligent governance, not just ceremonial formalities. Therefore, the correct way to perform the Yu sacrifice is to align with the seasons so that disasters are averted before they manifest, and to do one's utmost so that prayers are answered by omens.

The ten interpretations of the Book of Changes span the three commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals, covering core issues such as rites, warfare, rulers and ministers, taxation, natural disasters, and self-cultivation. It truly took a lot of effort.

With the final stroke, Lu Beigu exhaled a long breath of white air, as if a heavy burden had been lifted from his shoulders.

After he finished writing, he only checked it once before it was time to collect the papers.

(End of this chapter)