Technology invades the modern world

Chapter 446 Nixon's Turn
Lin Ran's idea was simple: if he didn't take it, he'd be a fool.

It's only natural to take ROC.

As a young Chinese man who experienced the 2019 exhibition of "A Eulogy for My Nephew" on loan to Tokyo, Lin Ran was incredibly envious when he saw it online.

Now that I've taken it from ROC myself, I can consider it acting on behalf of God.

Over the past ten years, Zhou Shukai initially gave him gold, and later he would send him gifts every year during festivals. If the gifts couldn't reach him, they would be sent to Jenny.

They may not all be precious, but they were definitely made with care.

Lin Ran watched Zhou Shukai leave with his suitcase and could only say sorry in her heart.

It's not that I don't want to help you, it's just that the people in your camp are utterly hopeless and can't possibly become the common leader of Chinese people worldwide.

Whether ROC will blame him or not is not important at all.

Even if Lin Ran were just a well-known Chinese-American mathematician, let alone a high-ranking White House official, ROC wouldn't dare to do anything to him.

Lin Ran saw through his weak nature at a glance.

time flies.

Two days passed in a blink of an eye.

Television stations across the free-faction countries were ready to broadcast the story well in advance.

The studio was simply furnished: two armchairs, a small table, and the American flag in the background.

Lin Ran and Nixon took their seats, neither dressed in a particularly formal manner.

It was just a shirt; there was no suit or tie.

Lin Ran was wearing a blue shirt, while Nixon was wearing a white one.

Lin Ran gave a thumbs-up to the camera, indicating that it was time to begin.

The staff in charge of the live broadcast responded with a thumbs-up, indicating that everything was ready. As the lights came on, Lin Ran officially began today's conversation:

"Dear viewers, hello everyone. I am Randolph Lin. I am very happy to be here with the President to talk to the nation about the Cold War, our future, and perhaps even the stars and the sea."

Of course, the most important thing is the series of disputes that have arisen recently, which I will inquire about one by one, Mr. President.

Nixon, with a serious expression, nodded to the camera after hearing Lin Ran finish speaking.

"So, Mr. President, are those photos real?"

Nixon countered, “Which photos? There have been too many lately, damn V, or the Soviets, or the remnants of the Third Reich, in short, since President Johnson’s time, we’ve had too many photos published in the newspapers.”

Regarding the death of President Kennedy, regarding Robert Kennedy, regarding the death of Hoover, I feel that America's confusion has been intensifying since the 1960s.

Lin Ran interrupted, "Of course it's the photo of Kissinger's advisor in Singapore. If you'd like to talk about the others, we can discuss them slowly."

Nixon said, "There are many others that I don't know about."

As for Henry, I can tell you it's true.

The people of America, the people of European allies, the people of South Vietnam, and most importantly, the people of Taipei, who were watching the live broadcast on television, were all shocked.

I knew this live stream would be unconventional, so I would speak my truth, but I didn't expect it to be this genuine.

When they arrived, they immediately admitted that they were negotiating in private.

Nixon continued, "Yes, Professor, we are trying to negotiate with China. This is not a secret deal; it is an exploration of peaceful contact."

We shed blood on the front lines of the Vietnam War, but war cannot go on forever.

China is the key to peace.

They were able to influence North Vietnam.

This is not about betraying our allies; it's about seeking a way to end the war.

Lin Ran then asked, "Mr. President, this has led some people to believe that this is an attempt to engage in dialogue with China. Does this mean that these negotiations will lead to the normalization of relations between us and China?"
Will we establish diplomatic relations, exchange ambassadors, resume trade, and engage in all the normal actions between countries—all these things—reappear between us and China?

Nixon's expression shifted from relaxed to serious: "My fellow citizens of America, as I wrote in my pre-presidential article in Foreign Affairs, 'Annan After Asia,' there is no place on this asteroid for a billion of potentially most capable people to live in angry isolation."

China cannot remain isolated forever.

Back in the 1950s, I was just like you. I held a tough stance towards China, believing that we couldn't engage with them and that they were the main threat to the Cold War besides the Soviet Union.

My stance at the time was that we needed to push for the isolation of Red China.

At that time, as a member of Congress and Vice President, I stood firmly on the front lines against the G, supporting our ally ROC and viewing them as an enemy that had to be contained.

This is not just empty talk; it is the instinctive reaction of our generation when faced with the red tide.

We have witnessed the trauma of the Korean War and the expansionist ambitions of Soviet Russia. We believe that isolation is the only way to protect the free world.

Many Americans, especially the soldiers who fought and bled on the battlefields of Annam and their families, may still hold this view.

I understand your anger and doubts, because I have felt the same way.

But I realized that the world is changing, and the reality of the Cold War is forcing us to re-examine our strategies.

Today, we are mired in the quagmire of Annam. Our young people are bleeding in the jungles, our families are mourning the loss of loved ones, and this war seems to have no end.

North Vietnam's fierce resistance stemmed in part from the support they received, including aid from China.

This makes me reflect: can continuing this confrontation really bring peace?

Soviet Russia is our biggest threat. They are expanding their influence globally, and the differences between China and Soviet Russia are deepening.

If we continue to isolate China, we are inadvertently pushing them to align more closely with Moscow.

This is bad for America, and bad for the free world.

As your president, I have a responsibility to lead us out of this impasse.

Exploring dialogue with China is not a sign of weakness or appeasement, but a pragmatic strategy.

It can help us isolate Soviet Russia, weaken North Vietnam's supply lines, and ultimately end the war.

Think of the soldiers on the front lines. If we could persuade China to reduce its support for North Vietnam through diplomacy, we could bring our boys home much faster.

We can then avoid the devastating defeat that the Air Force is facing.

We can then avoid more unnecessary sacrifices.

The Vietnam War was not our destiny; it was a tragedy we had to end.

By engaging with China, we are not betraying South Vietnam, but rather striving for a more stable future for them, a peace free from interference by major powers.

Fellow countrymen, I know this shift is not easy to accept. The photos that have been released have sparked controversy, but they represent our efforts to achieve peace, not a conspiracy.

Let us unite and support this new diplomatic path.

It will bring economic opportunities, a market of one billion people, and create jobs for our workers; it will enhance our global standing and allow us to shift from a defensive to an active stance during the Cold War.

History will prove that this was not betrayal, but foresight.

After listening, Lin Ran thought to himself, "The president of the Elephant Party is indeed of the same ilk, making no attempt to hide his thoughts."

The same applies to the 2025 T-shirt.

However, Nixon was better; he wasn't as blatant or idiotic.

Lin Ran asked, "Mr. President, I agree that peaceful dialogue is always better than war."

But how exactly do we do that? How can you guarantee that we can repair relations with China without making China suspect that this is a conspiracy?
For example, if we restore relations with China and defeat the Soviet Union with China's help, then there will be very few communist countries in the world, and China may be the only one with sufficient influence. At that time, we can turn our guns on China.

The future I'm describing is likely a source of concern for China.

How can we persuade China to negotiate and accept us?

Nixon nodded slightly, adjusted the microphone, and looked firmly into the camera.

He tried to ease Lin Ran's sharp criticism while conveying confidence to the national audience.

"Professor, your question hits the nail on the head. This is a concern that many Americans, including myself, have pondered."

First of all, I want to thank you for your frankness, which is the essence of our democracy.

That's right, peaceful dialogue is better than war, but it's not just empty talk; it requires concrete actions and the building of mutual trust.

Let me explain step by step, especially from an economic perspective, because a prosperous China is not only a strategic partner for us, but also an economic opportunity.

First, repairing relations is not something that can be done overnight. We will begin with low-level diplomatic contacts, such as exchanging information through third-party channels, to build initial mutual trust.

This is not a conspiracy, but an open strategic adjustment.

We will invite Chinese representatives to participate in international conferences to discuss topics of common concern, such as nuclear non-proliferation or Asian stability.

At the same time, we will promote economic exchanges: open trade doors, allow American companies to enter the Chinese market, and welcome Chinese products to enter America.

This is not a one-sided favor, but a mutual benefit.

China needs our technology, and we need their market and labor.

Imagine, this could create millions of jobs for American workers, create a market of a billion people, and help us recover from the economic trauma of the Vietnam War.

As for your concerns, it's reasonable that China might fear we'll use them and then discard them, turning our attention to them after defeating the Soviet Union.

The people in Yanjing are all shrewd strategists; they also weigh the risks.

But our assurances are not empty promises, but are based on the reality of shared interests, especially economic interests.

How could we allow our market to fall into turmoil when we have close trade and economic ties with a prosperous China?

If we establish strong economic ties with China, we can export our agricultural products, machinery, and technology, and import their goods and services.

This will create an interdependent system.

Our businesses will rely on China as part of their supply chain, and our consumers will benefit from cheaper goods.

If we turn our guns on China, it will undermine our own economic stability, leading to a stock market crash, soaring unemployment, and disrupted supply chains.

This is not in our interest. We are not seeking short-term victories, but rather building long-term prosperity.

History has shown that trade can defuse hostility: look at our post-war relationship with Japan, from enemy to ally, it was economic ties that played a key role.

Persuading China? We've already begun.

Our initial contacts suggest that they too are tired of friction with Soviet Russia and want to end the war of attrition in Annan.

We will let our actions speak for themselves: reduce military aid, move toward a peaceful resolution, and pledge not to interfere in their internal affairs.

At the same time, we will publicly emphasize that this is not a conspiracy, but a new framework for global stability.

China knew that, from a geopolitical perspective, Soviet Russia was the greater threat to them.

They have a vast, interconnected border, but we are separated by an immeasurably great distance.

Border conflicts are proof of this.

If we work together to defeat expansionism, we will enter a multipolar world, not a zero-sum game.

By then, China will become our partner, not our next target.

Because a prosperous China can stabilize the Asian economy, reduce global conflicts, and bring us more trade opportunities.

My fellow Americans, this is not a risk, but foresight.

I was wrong in the 1950s; isolation cannot win the Cold War.

Only dialogue can bring true victory. Let us work together to drive this change.
"Strive for a world free from the shadow of nuclear war for our children."

The entire conversation was unprecedentedly intense, and Nixon spoke many of his true feelings.

In the original timeline, he only made a similar statement on the eve of his visit to China.

In a televised address to the nation, he announced his official visit to China, explaining that it was to balance the threat from Soviet Russia, end the North Vietnamese war, and usher in an era of global peace.

It's similar to how it's said now.

After his speech, Nixon's approval rating rose instead of falling.

At the end of the conversation, Nixon said, "I also need to inform the nation that the professor will be attending the International Congress of Mathematicians in France this year."

At the same time, a new round of dialogue will be held in Nice and China.

As one of the world's most famous Chinese people, the professor's participation will undoubtedly help us build stronger mutual trust.

To address the concerns arising from differing positions between the two sides.

After this televised dialogue, the capitalists thought about the enormous profits they had historically amassed in China.

People thought of the few consumer electronics products from China.

Washington lawmakers, pressured by the capital behind them, only questioned whether Nixon could do it. With Lin Ran's endorsement, these doubts decreased significantly.

Zhou Shukai, sitting in front of the television, was completely dumbfounded:
No way, you've already accepted the gifts, and now you're going to negotiate with China as a representative? What kind of nonsense is this?!
Zhou Shukai even considered fleeing; he couldn't continue working as a diplomat for even a day longer.

(End of this chapter)