Technology invades the modern world

Chapter 170 This plan is brilliant! (6.6k words, a super exciting chapter)
Killed Hoover?
That's far too lenient.

The greatest revenge against Hoover would be to hand over the photographs that could have ended his political life to the Soviets.

Don't you like the feeling of being in control from behind the scenes?
If the Soviets had something on you, that boomerang would be the fatal blow to someone like Hoover.

It kept him awake at night, filled with worry and anxiety, leaving him with no peace of mind.

As for what top-notch work the Soviets could accomplish in America with Hoover's help.

Lin Ran had no way of knowing.

However, at that moment, upon hearing V's self-introduction, Dobrynin's heart was already hanging in mid-air.

The voice, the tone, the powerful confidence conveyed by that brief introduction—Dobrynin had absolutely no doubt that this was V.

“I have a great gift for John Edgar Hoover.”

It's located on the innermost flush tank in the men's restroom on the west side of the ground floor at 1310 Wisconsin Ave NW, near the Georgetown Restaurant. If you go too late, someone else might take it.

"Sir, sir, sir!" Before Dobrynin could finish speaking, the other end of the phone hung up, leaving only a brief busy tone.

On the streets of Times Square in New York, a cold wind howled as Lin Ran, wearing a V mask, stood in a phone booth and put the phone back in its place.

A phone booth is great as an anchor; it comes in handy in situations like this.

As for how Dobrynin's private phone number came about.

It wasn't Korolev who told him, nor was it found in Dobrynin's personal memoir "In Confidence," published in 1995.

Korolev never told him, and it was certainly not mentioned in Dobrynin's personal memoirs.

No private phone number of Dobrynin could be found in the declassified public documents of the Soviet Union.

This was told to him by Long Sifan of Yanjing Palace; Lin Ran guessed it was told to him by the Chinese side.

The general idea is that in case of an emergency, if you need to run, you can try to contact Dobrynin for assistance.

However, Lin Ran wasn't used to ask for help, but rather to add a little spice to the relationship between America and Soviet Russia.

In the cold January wind, Lin Ran's V-shaped mask caught the attention of passersby.

As a mother with her child passed by, the little girl pointed at Lin Ran in surprise and exclaimed to her mother, "Mommy, look! It looks like that masked man from the newspaper has appeared!"

Before her mother could react, Lin Ran had already pushed open the door and disappeared into the cold wind. Her mother looked in the direction her daughter was pointing, but saw nothing but a door that had been pushed open and then closed automatically: "Are you seeing things?"

The daughter cried out, "There's a monster! I just saw the masked man!"

In just three short minutes, at most only one person could see it.

Lin Ran's priority is to do whatever is interesting, while Dobrynin has many more considerations.

After the call ended, he called back but no one answered. He practically jumped out of bed, rushed out of the room, and yelled, "Yuri! Get me a car to Occidental Grill right now, immediately! I need to leave in five minutes!"

Yuri is the first secretary, responsible for handling specific matters.

Their staff consists of counselors, first secretaries, second secretaries, cultural officers, and security personnel.

The counselor is a high-ranking bureaucrat, while the first secretary is the one who handles the actual work.

Yuri immediately stood up, picked up the phone, dialed the convoy, and concisely conveyed his instructions.

After hanging up, he asked softly, "Mr. Ambassador, going to a restaurant so late..."

Before he could finish speaking, Dobrynin waved his hand to interrupt: "It's a classified matter, just prepare the car." Dobrynin's voice was calm but carried an undeniable authority, and his brows furrowed with barely concealed tension.

Yuri asked no further questions and swiftly carried out the order.

A few minutes later, a black Volga sedan pulled up in front of the embassy, ​​its engine rumbling in the night air.

Dobrynin put on his hat, wrapped his coat tighter, and walked down the steps.

The driver opened the car door for him, and he ordered in a deep voice, "Go to Occidental Grill, the sooner the better."

The car sped off along Northwest 16th Street, the streetlights flashing past the windows, but Dobrynin paid them no heed.

His mind raced as he tried to guess what the great gift Mr. V had left behind was.

Because the other party mentioned Edgar Hoover, Dobrynin had some vague guesses about the so-called grand gift.

"Could it be an intimate photo of Hoover and Clyde Thorsen?"

He pondered to himself.

V's deeds are known worldwide; he filmed Oswald firing his gun at the time of Kennedy's death.

In addition, it also includes recordings of Oswald.

Following this line of thought, and considering that the other party specifically named Edgar Hoover,

What could threaten Edgar Hoover was direct evidence that the other party was gay, right?

Although this matter was not made public, Dobrynin, as the Soviet ambassador, had long heard about the relationship between Hoover and Clyde Thorsen.

To be precise, he heard about it from his predecessor in Washington in 1962, the very day he took over the post of ambassador.

However, no one has seen the evidence.

The car stopped in front of Occidental Grill. The restaurant's neon sign was off, the glass doors were closed, and only a faint light shone through.

Dobrynin got out of the car and looked around; the streets were deserted. He walked to the door and knocked lightly on the glass. A moment later, a weary-looking middle-aged man came to open the door and looked him over with suspicion.

"We're already closed. Mr. Ambassador, please come back tomorrow if you need anything," the manager said.

Dobrynin said, “I’m sorry, I forgot something here a few days ago. I need to get it right away; it’s very important.” His tone was deep and authoritative.

Behind him were burly Slavic men; the manager knew these Russians were not to be trifled with.

Despite the Cold War, the Russians, with so many people and diplomatic immunity, might do something to him.

The night shift manager had no choice but to open the door and let the other person in.

Dobrynin found a thick kraft paper envelope where V had mentioned.

Dobrynin held the envelope in his hand, feeling its weight, and a strange tension welled up inside him.

He nodded his thanks as he left, then turned back to his car and asked the night shift manager, "Sir, were there any suspicious people coming in tonight?"

He clutched the envelope tightly in his hand.

The night shift manager shook his head and said, "No."

Dobrynin, still unconvinced, asked a couple more questions: "What about recently? Has anyone been suspicious lately?"

The night shift manager shook his head again: "I don't know. You'd better ask our manager, not me."

I was a little disappointed, but not surprised.

After all, all the top organizations in the world are looking for V.

Not only America was looking for it, but the Soviet Union was looking for it, England was looking for it, and even Israel was looking for V.

Aside from knowing the other's mask and a few physical characteristics, they gained nothing.

Dobrynin didn't expect his opponent to have such an obvious weakness.

He guessed that it must be one of the restaurant's guests that night, and the most likely suspect to have left last.

As for the night shift manager, he thought about it and didn't sense any V-shaped aura from him.

After Dobrynin returned to the car, he instructed the driver, "Back to the embassy."

The car sped through the night as he stared at the envelope in his hand, wondering what was inside.

Because these photos, in the hands of Soviet Russia, could directly turn Hoover into a puppet.

To put it simply, these photos could force Hoover and Tolson not only to leave the Bureau of Investigation and Statistics (BI), but also to leave Washington, D.C., and they would be unable to find any public office.

Even the trick that Washington officials used to enjoy—the revolving door between politics and business—has been shut down for them.

Because it's 1964.

Homosexuality was widely regarded as moral depravity and mental illness in the 60s.

In 1952, the American Psychiatric Association (APA) classified homosexuality as a mental disorder, a classification that was not removed until 1973.

Public prejudice against homosexuals is extremely strong, especially in the conservative Cold War culture, where homosexuals are seen as vulnerable to blackmail and thus pose a threat to national security.

This idea is particularly prevalent in governments and sensitive institutions.

Not to mention the so-called "Lavender Scare" in the 50s, in which thousands of federal employees were fired because they were suspected of being gay.

Hoover himself was a key driver of this movement, investigating and purging homosexuals in the government through the BI's "Sexual Deviant Program".

Once these photos are leaked, Hoover will not only be seen as gay and mentally ill, unqualified to serve in the White House, but also as extremely hypocritical.

Their political lives, and even their personal lives, will cease to exist.

How could Dobrynin not be happy after seeing this?

Dobrynin didn't want to waste a moment and immediately dialed the security line with Andrei Gromyko in Moscow:
Dobrynin: "Comrade Secretary, I have obtained highly sensitive intelligence regarding Hoover, photographic evidence, irrefutable. What should I do?"

Gromyko, on the other end of the phone, dripped ash from his cigarette onto the table before finally speaking: "This is crucial, Anatoly."

Use mailbags, don't take risks, and supervise it yourself.

Dobrynin: "Understood. Get ready first thing tomorrow morning."

Gromyko added, "A copy was made overnight, and the original was sent back to Moscow."

Dobrynin said, "That's natural."

He summoned his first secretary, Yuri, to his office.

Dobrynin: "Yuri, prepare the diplomatic pouch for tomorrow, to fly to Moscow. I have documents, top priority. I will seal them myself."

Diplomatic pouches are special parcels used by diplomatic missions to deliver official documents, items, or communications across borders.

According to Article 27 of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, diplomatic pouches enjoy diplomatic immunity and are not subject to search, seizure or interference of any kind by the host State.

In that context, this was considered one of the most reliable methods.

The main problem was the short reaction time; the federal government simply couldn't react in time.

Moreover, the relationship between the two sides was not so tense at this time. Kennedy had just died, and America's most important task was to find out the truth about V and Kennedy's death.

Defenses against the Soviet Union have also weakened.

In this job, it's impossible not to be sensitive.

The same goes for Yuri.

From the moment Dobrynin rushed to the upscale restaurant tonight, a restaurant they frequently visited for banquets.

And now, a sudden order.

Yuri knew something was very unusual.

The information obtained by Dobrynin was crucial.

He nodded quickly and said, "Yes, sir. I will arrange vehicles and messengers. Any other instructions?" Dobrynin replied, "No details."

Just make sure it gets on the plane.

As the messenger departed, Dobrynin reminded him: "Keep the mailbag with you until you board the plane. Do not linger or take detours."

Driver: "Yes, Comrade Ambassador."

The next morning, a black Volga sedan drove out of the embassy's underground parking garage, with a diplomatic pouch locked in a briefcase next to the driver.

Dobrynin stood in the shadows, his breath visible in the cold air, until the car disappeared into the fog.

He knew very well that once the envelope successfully reached Moscow, it would become a silent weapon.

A few hours later, the mailbag was loaded onto a Soviet-Russian flight, bypassing inspection by U.S. authorities.

A few days later, it arrived in Moscow, where Gromyko and KGB officials reviewed the photographs in a secure room in the Kremlin.

In Moscow, inside the Kremlin's security meeting room, key members gathered together.

The meeting room was solemn and the atmosphere was tense.

A long, heavy wooden table occupied the central position, with national flags and scattered documents on it.

A photograph of Edgar Hoover is placed at the center of the table.

The windows were tightly closed, the curtains were drawn shut, and the dim light cast long shadows in the room.

Nikita's voice broke the silence:

"Comrades, we are meeting here today to seize a major opportunity."

Dobrynin sent Hoover's photographs from Washington.
These photos may reshape our relationship with America.

Comrade Gromyko, please report to us.

Gromyko cleared his throat and opened the file: “According to Dobrynin’s report, these photos show that Hoover had an improper intimate relationship with his deputy, Clyde Thorson. They are solid evidence, and we can use them to put pressure on Hoover.”

Semichasso leaned forward, speaking cautiously: "As Director of the BI, Hoover had control over a large amount of classified information and corresponding operations."

If we can make good use of these photos, we can force him to submit.

Or at least keep him silent on key issues. This would completely change how we do our work.

Semichasny was similar to Hoover; Hoover's position in America was the same as his position in Soviet Russia.

Nikita nodded thoughtfully: “That’s true, but we must proceed with caution. Hoover is cunning; he won’t give in easily. We need a well-thought-out strategy.”

Leonid interjected, "No, he has to compromise."

In the current situation, if he doesn't compromise, all we need to do is release these photos, and he's finished!

Gromyko pondered, “A more subtle approach might be better. We could secretly hint to Hoover himself that we possess these photographs, telling him that we might release them, and whether or not to depends on his attitude.”

Semichasne nodded in agreement: "Yes, we can ask him to provide intelligence and turn a blind eye to our actions."

Nikita frowned, weighing the idea: "But we have to convince him of our resolve and prove that if he doesn't cooperate, we really will release these photos."

Gromyko added, "Dobrynin could arrange a secret meeting in Washington so that Hoover could see the evidence firsthand."

Nikita turned to Semichasne: "Semichasne, how will you execute this plan?"

Semichasne replied, “First, we need a reliable intermediary, someone Hoover trusts, to pass on our message.”

Perhaps it's someone within BI, or a mutual 'friend'.

We can subtly let him know we know his secret, without directly threatening him. Let him deduce the necessity of cooperation himself.

Nikita nodded: “That’s right. Let fear take root in his heart. The more afraid he is, the stronger his motivation to cooperate will be.”

Gromyko added, "At the same time, we can continue to maintain normal contact with the U.S. government through Dobrynin to conceal our true intentions."

Sheriff interjected, "But we must be prepared for Hoover's retaliation. He might try to destroy evidence or take retaliatory action against us."

Nikita stated firmly, "If he dares, we will release these photos. But this will be a last resort. What we want is an obedient Hoover, not a destroyed Hoover."

The meeting continued in a tense atmosphere, with the Kremlin carefully planning how to capitalize on this unexpected gain to gain the upper hand in the Cold War.

"So Director Semičasny needs to decide in advance what we want to exchange," Gromyko reminded him.

Without hesitation, Semichasne said, "The conditions are easy to propose."

Hoover had to notify us in advance of all those investigating us so we could arrange their evacuation; this intelligence needed to be fully and completely shared.

Another point concerns the crackdown on their internal movements. Hoover needs to reduce the intensity of the crackdown, but the standard for reduction depends on the extent to which we need it.

Nikita interrupted, "I have an idea. Since Hoover can eavesdrop on the president, can we let him continue to eavesdrop on the White House?"
"Send us the messages you've been monitoring?"

If Nixon could pull off Watergate, why couldn't the Soviet Union spy on America?

Semichasne hesitated and said, "That might be a bit difficult."

As you mentioned earlier, what we want is an obedient Hoover, not a destroyed Hoover.

This task is a bit too much for Hoover.

He might refuse to compromise with us, fight to the bitter end, and rather accept the end of his political career than compromise.

This is not a good thing for us.

It was precisely because Semichasne and Hoover's roles were similar that he was able to deeply understand what Hoover was thinking.

When will we compromise, and when will we take a hard line?

Shemichars felt that if he were Hoover, he would never have dared to do something like wiretapping the White House.

Those present seemed to be deep in thought.

People generally believed in Semičasny's views, after all, that's what he did.

Nikita suddenly blurted out, "Homosexuality is a terrible thing!"

Everyone present pretended not to hear.

Currently, LGBT individuals are considered heretical in every country.

In Soviet Russia, this was also a taboo topic, a symbol of decadence, and incompatible with the morality they advocated.

Gromyko raised his hand and said, "I think Comrade Nikita's proposal is very creative."

Negotiation is not about the other party having to agree to our demands.

The art of negotiation lies in proposing a condition that the other party cannot agree to, and then slowly backing away.

Hoover disagreed with wiretapping the White House. After we brought it up, he struggled, resisted, and ultimately refused after an internal struggle.

I don't deny that what Semichasne said is very likely to happen.

But as he struggles with this decision and reflects on it, what if we take a step back?

We told him to stop listening to the White House and start listening to members of Congress.

Does he think this condition is acceptable? Does he think we've backed down?
"Surely we can wiretap the senators?"

Nixon did the same thing.

Gromyko made everyone present think, and he continued, "If we can monitor congressmen, we might not be unable to control President America."

We seek out senators and representatives with sufficient potential to get Hoover to cooperate in wiretapping them and gain leverage over them.

If enough people are monitored, a presidential candidate will inevitably emerge from among these potential lawmakers.

And once the congressman we have leverage over becomes a presidential candidate, we can use our resources in America to help him become president.

Our assistance should ideally be supported by evidence.

In reality, it's like we control entrepreneurs who donate money to him, provide him with assistance, and help him promote himself.

Then we also have his recordings, which are sufficient proof of the close relationship between us.

Then, use these threats to force the other party to compromise.

This plan won't work in one year, or three years, or even five or ten years, but what about longer?
What about twenty, thirty, or even fifty years?

Don't forget that the photographs we have are not only Hoover's, but also Tolson's.

Hoover was able to work at the Bureau for forty years, and he could continue to do so. And if he leaves, Tolson can take over.

Compared to Hoover, Thorson is easier to manipulate. We can even find out who the next director will be through Thorson and make him our puppet in advance.

Using Hoover's photograph as a starting point, a decades-long plan, anchored by the Bureau of Investigation and Statistics (BI), will slowly develop our influence, weaving a vast network among Washington lawmakers!

Gromyko's voice was incredibly seductive, and when it rang out in this secret conference room, it sounded just like a villainous character from a movie.

But clearly, his proposal was full of imagination, and just thinking about it could make everyone present feel excited, nervous, and expectant.

Lin Ran probably never imagined that simply giving the Kremlin a photo would lead to such a stunt.

If he knew, he'd probably guess that Old T was the fruit of your plan.

Nikita led the applause: "Comrade Gromyko's suggestion is excellent. Perhaps the professor is wrong. The outcome of the Cold War will not be determined by the singularity of artificial intelligence technology, but by who breaks through the other's internal fortress first."

After everyone finished clapping in a short, fast-paced rhythm, Gromyko said, "This is all thanks to Comrade Nikita."

"If it weren't for your creative suggestions, I wouldn't have thought of these things either."

Gromyko's ability to remain in that position for 28 years speaks volumes about his emotional intelligence.

"I agree with Comrade Gromyko's proposal; it is not only creative but also very feasible, and the final result will certainly be much better than those I mentioned before," Semiciasny said in agreement.

Since Nikita had said so, Semičasny couldn't help but agree.

After listening to Semichasny's words, Nikita added sternly, "Comrade Semichasny, when you get back, you must conduct a thorough and comprehensive investigation within the KGB to ensure that there is not a single homosexual in our ranks!"

Think about what they would do to America, and imagine if they had a character like that. Everyone would have the same thought as Nikita: homosexuality kills.

Leonid, who had remained silent until now, said: "The whole negotiation was very complicated."

I propose that the comrade in charge of negotiations should have ample experience, sufficient adaptability, and sufficient wisdom.

After listening, Nikita nodded and said, "Comrade Leonid is right. We must be careful in choosing the right person."

Gromyko said, "I propose that Comrade Dobrynin be in charge of the talks."

After whispering among themselves, the people present agreed to Gromyko's proposal.

Then Gromyko continued, "We'd better let Hoover accept our proposal slowly, starting with one, then two, three, and gradually increasing."

Nikita nodded: "So do you have any good candidates? Like a professor?"

Shemichasne shook his head and said, "The professor is usually at Redstone Base, and his security level is higher than we imagined. The risk is too great. There are too many people watching the professor."

"I have a good candidate in mind, Fred, Fred T!"

　Honestly, I think this chapter is very interesting. If you don't find it interesting, please don't criticize me!
　　
　
(End of this chapter)