Nanyang 1931: From piglets to giants

Chapter 287: Betting with House Speaker Martin: Should the two parties move towards reconciliation or division?

Washington.

Li Jiazhi was wearing a black silk evening dress and a string of round pearls around her neck. She walked into the White House banquet hall hand in hand with Zheng Yi, smiling. From a distance, she saw someone at the door come forward to shake hands with him.

"Mr. Zheng, I finally have the chance to meet you. Hello, I'm Martin, and this must be your wife. Oh~, do you Eastern women have some kind of magic? You really have the secret to staying young. You can't tell your age at all."

Li Jiazhi was so delighted by the praise that she covered her mouth and smiled. Asians do not look old compared to Europeans and Americans. Besides, she and Zheng Yi do look young in an occasion like today.

The United States at this time has not yet become completely rejuvenated. Even in the Democratic Party, there are very few young members of Congress under the age of 30.

"Mr. Martin, nice to meet you. I've really heard of you for a long time."

The person who came was the Republican Speaker of the House of Representatives, the leader of the Republican Party, Joseph William Martin Jr., one of the most powerful figures in the Republican Party and the leader of the conservative faction of the Republican Party.

This was the first time the two men met, but they had long heard of each other and did not even need an intermediary to introduce them. It could even be said that the reason why Martin ran to the door and personally greeted Zheng Yi regardless of his status was that he was deliberately bypassing the intermediary.

Behind him, Nelson, who had originally wanted to come over to say hello, looked unhappy.

Martin is a conservative leader. He and the Rockefeller faction are similar in general direction, but there are huge differences in details, especially in international affairs. It is obvious that he is trying to compete with the Rockefeller faction for people.

Although Zheng Yi had only given a few speeches in the beginning, most Americans still didn't know what his political stance was, let alone a complete faction theory. However, American politicians, especially those in Washington's political circles, had already realized what Zheng Yi was going to do.

Global liberals can completely establish an independent political faction within the Republican Party.

This new political school may be born out of the Rockefeller faction, and at least most of the time it will be an ally of the Rockefeller faction, but it will definitely be independent of the Rockefeller faction.

At present, if Zheng Yi’s new faction is not counted, there are five major political factions within the Republican Party: Rockefeller faction, traditional conservatives, constitutional conservatives, radical reformers, and liberal progressives.

If we include Zheng Yi’s neoliberal faction, there are six of them.

Among the five major factions, Rockefeller, led by Nelson Rockefeller, needs no introduction. It actually represents the interests of traditional American financial tycoons, especially industrial capital tycoons. It ensures the maintenance of factions through interest exchange and enticement. It is a typical traditional political faction controlled by financial tycoons.

The traditional conservatives are actually the closest to the Rockefeller faction in terms of political views, but they are generally unwilling to be controlled by the chaebols and do not get too close to them.

Of course, it may also be that the financial tycoons cannot be won over, so this faction is relatively the most general and loosest. To some extent, it represents the interests of medium-sized and medium-to-large local companies in the United States and farmers in rural areas.

The biggest problem with traditional plutocracy lies in this, because no matter how huge the interest network is, it is impossible to win over everyone at the same time, and it is even difficult to win over the majority of people. It advocates reducing government organizations, small government, and low taxes.
The biggest difference between them and the Rockefeller faction is that they place more emphasis on traditional values, which means there is a strong religious influence within them. At the same time, they advocate cooperation with the Democratic Party and are not very interested in international affairs.

To put it bluntly, constitutional conservatives are a group of litigants, who can be understood as argumentative people and troublemakers who will make trouble if they are not given candy.

All members are lawyers, and in fact, they can't produce any big figures, but they are as smelly and hard as stones in a pit. When the Democrats or even the Republicans are in power, they often stand up and sing the opposite tune with the founding constitution of two hundred years ago. They talk about the founding ideas and keep silent about the sacredness of the constitution.

But as long as these people are given enough benefits when dividing the cake, they will not make trouble.

These people are not mainstream in the Republican Party, have little influence, and have no political leaders. Historically, no significant figures have emerged from this faction. However, their vitality is extremely tenacious. They were one of the main factions before World War II, and they remained one of the main factions until Zheng Yi traveled through time, without changing their own positioning.

The radical reformers actually refer to the Keynesian school headed by Luo Yonghao. Luo Yonghao is famous for his anti-trust work and advocates breaking up large companies and splitting up large companies and price alliances. To put it bluntly, he is tough on large companies, and his relationship with the Rockefeller school is self-evident.

However, this faction is now relatively weak within the Republican Party. During Ronald Reagan's administration, a part of it was mixed with Ronald Reagan's Democratic Party. Its position is relatively vague, and Ronald Reagan is currently in a state of being strangled.

Objectively speaking, these reformers have made great contributions to the strength of the United States. Although Ronald Reagan is a Democrat, he is the nephew of Robert Downey Jr. after all, and his political inclinations are the same as theirs, so it is said that Ronald Reagan is a bipartisan president.

Zheng Yi himself believes that the most important reason why the United States can stand out among the imperialists and become a beacon of the world is this radical reformist faction. This is indeed the party that is best to the American people and has the most long-term policy making among all the parties in the two major parties in the United States.

However, after World War II, this faction was basically strangled, and most of them switched to the Democratic Party. The Democratic Party was also basically smoothed out and lost its sharpness. It no longer had the courage and determination to wield the knife against the chaebols.

Anyone who dares to propose policies such as restricting monopoly enterprises, breaking up price alliances, and prohibiting chaebols from reorganizing supply chains in the political environment of the United States will basically be labeled a XXist and a Soviet spy.

Even though these things were the policies of two of the most respected presidents in American history.

Finally, the political leader of the progressives was California Governor Earl Warren, who was also Dewey's running mate and one of their own. If Dewey had won, this guy would have been vice president. He advocated civil rights, environmental protection, equal rights for blacks, and social welfare, and had certain overlaps and similarities with the liberal wing of the Democratic Party. Historically, this faction has basically run to the Democratic camp.

It seems like California has always been the world of progressives, but later the Republican Party really stopped being progressive, so California became blue.

So from a standpoint, although Zheng Yi should naturally be closer to the Rockefeller faction, he is not too far away from the conservatives. They are objects that can be won over by both sides. Therefore, when Martin pulled him away, Zheng Yi himself deliberately catered to it and said a lot of flattering words.

"Mr. Zheng, let me introduce you. This is Adlai Stevenson, and this is John Kendrick."

"I've admired you for a long time... I've admired you for a long time."

Zheng Yi instinctively smiled and stepped forward to shake hands, but halfway through the handshake he realized something seemed a little wrong, and turned his head to look at Martin with some suspicion.

Aren't these two Democrats?

He was not very familiar with Adlai Stevenson, but he knew that she was the United States' UN representative, was running for governor of Illinois, and was also the rumored lover of Hollywood actress Joan Fontaine, who Zheng Yi considered the most beautiful American woman of this era, and often appeared in gossip media.

Although he and Joan Fontaine each have their own families, as Americans, female celebrities in the entertainment industry are basically the same. American politicians of this era are relatively less shy when it comes to dating female celebrities, at least they are far less covert than in the 21st century.

Zheng Yi really doesn't know much about this person's political achievements and propositions.

As for John Kendrick, isn't he Melodon? The one in history who caused so much imagination because of riding in a convertible. He is so familiar.

Of course, during this period, Ken Ndie was just an ordinary congressman, but his surname itself represented rich political resources, and he himself was indeed outstanding and was called the future star of the Democratic Party. He was the most promising of all political rookies.

During this period, this guy should still be Steven's younger brother. It is speculated that these two people should be from the large faction of the Liberal Democratic Party. It is hard to say about smaller factions. The Democratic Party is different from the Republican Party. The factions are much more confusing, and Zheng Yi can't tell them apart.

Martin, we just met, why are you introducing me to two Democrats? I haven't even met a single Republican leader yet, and you're chatting with two Democrats first. Is that appropriate?

"Hello, Mr. Zheng. It's an honor to meet you. To be honest, I've always wanted to get to know you and ask for your advice, but I never had the chance."

"Mr. Steven, you're too polite. I'm the one who really wants to ask you for advice."

Zheng Yi turned his head and glared at Martin in a rather obscure way.

There were only a few Asians in the entire banquet hall, so he was quite conspicuous. It was also his first time in Washington. It was no exaggeration to say that he was the focus of the entire banquet before President Du arrived in person.

How many people are watching him? What will other Republicans think if he whispers with Democrats?
Although the struggle between the two parties in this era was not too intense and was far from as clear-cut as in later generations, everyone was involved in politics, and every move could easily make people think too much. Who knows what others would think?

Martin acted as if he couldn't understand his gaze. Instead, he smiled softly and said, "Steven is also an expert in international affairs. He strongly advocates for the United States to actively intervene in international affairs and for domestic companies to expand overseas. I think you two will definitely have something in common."

On the side, Ken Ndi said in a very familiar manner: "Hello, Mr. Zheng, I am your loyal supporter, and I am also very interested in your political views."

Steven seemed to know what he meant. He didn't exchange pleasantries and simply got straight to the point. "Mr. Zheng, I saw the newspaper and heard that you gave a speech in New York State, arguing that the United States should be more actively involved in international affairs. Is that correct? I wonder if you support the idea that the United States should, as much as possible, unify and unite the majority of the world's people through the United Nations?"

Zheng Yi smiled upon hearing this and said, "Of course, I also believe that international issues should indeed be resolved within the framework of the United Nations. As a beacon of world civilization, the United States has an obligation to lead the world. The question is, where should we direct our light?"

"Was it the billions of impoverished people in Asia, Africa, and Latin America who were living under the colonial tyranny of the old empire? Or was it Soviet Russia, or even Western Europe, where life was actually quite good?"

Steven: "They are all necessary. Of course, the United States must prioritize its own interests when doing things. I believe that as long as it is in the United States' own interests, it should not be constrained. If we can rescue the suffering colonized people in Asia, Africa and Latin America through peaceful means through the United Nations, I think this will certainly be of great help in establishing a post-war world order dominated by the United States. However, specifically, it depends on whether the Soviet Union is willing to cooperate with us in the United Nations." Zheng Yi smiled when he heard this and said nothing more, but he could already get a hint of what he meant from his words.

They both belong to the same category as Martin: bipartisan.

Especially in foreign policy, they are even the kind of people who would sacrifice party interests for the national interest.

Traditional conservatives do cooperate more with the two parties. In fact, contrary to what ordinary people think, most of the time, there are far more Republicans who are willing to consider the overall situation and compromise with the Democrats than Democrats who compromise with the Republicans.

It’s just that because the Democrats have a clear advantage in controlling the media, they always give the public the impression that the Republicans are ignoring the overall situation.

As the Speaker of the House of Representatives and a traditional conservative leader, Martin believes that the current differences between the two parties are far less serious than in later generations. American politicians of this era are much more ethical and responsible than in later generations. They also know Zheng Yi's potential, so introducing Zheng Yi to the Democrats first is a consideration of the overall situation.

Moreover, Steven and Ken Ndie are rare bipartisan partners in the Democratic Party, especially in foreign affairs. Martin should sincerely hope that the United States can cooperate across parties in the future, at least in international affairs, and work together.

After all, if a country's diplomatic affairs swing left and right, and make 180-degree turns at any time, it will cause great harm to the United States. As for Zheng Yi, everyone actually has a very clear understanding of him. It is hard to say how much influence this person has on the internal politics of the United States, but it is obvious that he must have a huge impact on the foreign politics of the United States, or even the greatest impact.

After understanding their intentions, Zheng Yi had great respect for people like them, especially Martin. However, for the time being, Zheng Yi really did not think that cross-party cooperation with the Democratic Party was that important. As a newcomer to the United States and a quasi-foreigner, he had better hold on tightly when he first started.

Therefore, after laughing a few times, Zheng Yi planned to leave and go to greet others. While President Du had not arrived yet, he was anxious to act as a socialite, hoping to get to know as many of these parliamentarians, politicians, celebrities, etc. as possible.

When he is in the United States, he usually stays in New York and it is impossible for him to stay in Washington for too long. Naturally, he wants to take this opportunity to get to know as many people as possible.

"Wait a moment"

Just as Zheng Yi turned to leave, intending to make friends with Republicans, he was stopped by Steven, who said, "Mr. Zheng, I will be the governor of Illinois next year. I welcome you to visit me in Chicago. Even though we are not in the same party, Chicago is very supportive of globalization.

Oh, and Chicago also has one of the largest Chinatowns in the United States. In short, I very much hope that we can have the opportunity to cooperate in the future."

As he spoke, Steven took the initiative to extend his hand to shake hands with Zheng Yi.

"Chicago embraces globalization? Haha, you sound like you've already won."

Steven laughed and said, "It's really hard to lose."

After thinking for a moment, Zheng Yi shook his hand solemnly and said, "If you welcome me, I would really like to visit Chicago. I hope Chicago can become not only the Chicago of America, but also the Chicago of the world."

This era was different from later generations. The Great Lakes industrial area was still very powerful. Chicago was the most important city in the United States besides New York. Los Angeles, which did not yet have Silicon Valley, was far inferior to it.

From this perspective, it does make sense for Steven to want to cooperate with him. After all, when a city develops to this point, it must go international. Whether Chicago is red or blue, it is impossible to miss this big ship of the Southern Alliance.

It’s impossible that all future international business will be conducted in New York.

Other places can do whatever they want, but we in Chicago still have to do business with SAARC.

Of course, all this assumes Steven can actually win Illinois next year.

But seeing how confident he is, maybe the problem is really not that big. After all, weekly elections in this era are not like general elections. Regional forces are very important, and there are fewer upsets. Zheng Yi's understanding of American politics is far from in-depth, and he is not clear about the situation in Illinois.

We'll talk about it when the time comes. It might be possible for SAARC to open a branch in Chicago and appoint a vice-president.

After walking a few steps outside, I heard Martin sighing in a rather senior manner, "Many young politicians today always put too much emphasis on party interests, as if there is some deep hatred between the Democrats and Republicans. In the end, aren't we all working for the good of America?"

"I also know that the United States must go global. The Monroe Doctrine is indeed coming to an end. But after all, the United States is not just the United States of the Republican Party. Mr. Zheng, you just joined the Republican Party not long ago. You can even say that you just joined the United States not long ago."

"Plus, you don't get involved in American domestic politics. Ultimately, even though you've joined the Republican Party, you're still essentially an outsider. I sincerely hope you can serve as a bridge between the two parties."

"If we can make the two parties, under your influence, work together to face the outside world with unity, support each other, and complement each other, it will certainly be in line with our national interests for the United States. It will also be a good thing for you, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, and even for you Chinese, your China."

Zheng Yi laughed when he heard this. Martin was still an old-school politician after all. It was obvious that he was no longer adapted to the new era of political struggle in the United States.

And it is obvious that he does not regard Zheng Yi as an American in his heart, even though he already has American citizenship. In other words, he is a person who has America in his heart, or at least has a strong concept of "America" ​​in his heart. He is probably dissatisfied with Zheng Yi's concept of world citizenship.

"Mr. Martin, you really have a vision. What you say certainly makes sense, but all of this has to wait until we win next year. We haven't even elected yet, and the Democrats are stabbing us in the guts with their ruthless hands. If we still prioritize national affairs, why should we be gentlemen and suffer the consequences of those villains in the Democratic Party?"

Martin frowned. "The Democratic Party is already divided. We have a huge advantage. Moreover, voters will see this and support us with their votes. Only those who can lead the country further will receive the support of voters."

Zheng Yi: "A huge advantage? Will voters see this? Hahahahahahahaha, Mr. Martin, are you kidding me?"

Martin was slightly annoyed when he saw this and asked, "Mr. Zheng, are you mocking me or our American political system?"

Zheng Yi didn't shy away from it and actually nodded, saying, "Both. I do think Mr. Martin is a bit naive."

Martin stopped walking after hearing this, his expression becoming increasingly unfriendly. He looked at Zheng Yi, then suddenly laughed silently. "Mr. Zheng, I've been in politics for nearly forty years. There aren't many politicians from either party with more experience than me. I haven't heard the description of being naive in years. Don't you think it's a bit inappropriate to describe a veteran politician like me?"

Zheng Yi also smiled and said, "How about I make a bet with you?"

Martin: "What do you want to bet on?"

Zheng Yi: "I'm betting that next year, the Democratic Party's selection strategy will be to launch a frantic smear campaign against you, blaming all the bad governance issues of recent years on you, and the people will really believe them. If I don't take action, your position as Speaker will be in jeopardy."

Martin: "The Democrats' campaign strategy is to call me names? Are they crazy?"

Zheng Yi: "Are you from the majority party? They can say that President Du's heart is good, but because the Republican Party has been the majority party for the past two years, your opposition and obstruction have ruined the policies that President Du wanted to introduce that benefit the country and the people. You abused your power and you're putting party interests above national interests."

Martin became even more angry after hearing this: "Bullshit, this is pure nonsense!"

The fact is actually just the opposite. Martin is a Republican speaker who is very concerned about the overall situation. He gives face to President Du most of the time and is relatively fair in doing things. As a result, he has returned to his position many times after leaving it, and his reputation and popularity are very high.

"How could the Democrats do this? Do they think voters are fools? If they really did this, Mr. Zheng, do you think American voters are fools? During President Trump's two years in office, I supported him on most bills, always considering the issue from the perspective of the United States."

Zheng Yi: "Mr. Martin, since you are so confident, how about we make this bet?"

Martin: "What's the stakes?"

Zheng Yi: "The bet is that if I lose, I will do as you say and completely embrace the Democrats, turning SAARC into a bipartisan platform. SAARC will unconditionally support all US foreign policies and work hard to bridge the differences between the two parties on foreign policy."

"But if I win, Mr. Martin, you must fully support the development of SAARC in the future. When it comes to differences with the Democratic Party's foreign policy, you must listen to me and try to bridge the differences. How do you do that?"

Martin thought about it and still felt that he had a great chance of winning. After all, Dewey had almost been selected for next year, so no matter what President Du said, it seemed that it would not have much impact.

So he nodded and said, "Okay, I'll make a bet with you. So, do you want a lawyer to notarize it?"

Zheng Yi: "Haha, Mr. Martin, you're joking. We were just joking, just a little gambling for fun. There's no need for notarization. The bet is in our hearts. Whether you admit it or not is up to you."

(End of this chapter)