I am a master in India

Chapter 321 A Wild and Unregulated Situation

"Only 80 million rupees. It's a good deal to completely turn Varanasi into our own territory!"

“You have an unusually large appetite,” Adiya exclaimed.

“This is nothing. I also want to launch our agents in Mirzabul and Sumbadra.”

"And what else? How much will that cost?" Adiya's heart ached.

I've never seen an election where everything is bought with money. To control these places, it would cost at least several hundred million rupees.

“The situation is different there, I’ll think of another way,” Ron waved his hand.

"Okay, let's talk about Varanasi first. Eight constituencies need eight candidates, what are you going to do with the other seven?"

"That depends on you, Second Uncle."

"I?"

“Yes, arrange for any suitable relatives and friends of the Sur family to join us. Besides, you’ve been in Varanasi for so many years, you must have some trustworthy friends, right? Win them over, and I’ll cover the election expenses. There’s only one condition: from now on, the Sur family will have the final say on matters concerning the constituencies.”

The candidates who win a constituency are not simply state representatives. They wield considerable real power within their own districts.

For example, promoting the implementation of policies related to infrastructure construction, employment, and people's welfare, and seeking government funding.

At the same time, members of parliament also act as official spokespeople in their constituencies, responsible for explaining government policies to voters and conveying grassroots public opinion to the legislature, serving as a bridge for communication between the top and bottom.

In summary, it boils down to two areas of power: people's livelihood and propaganda.

After the Sur family took control of these constituencies, they effectively controlled the local government to a considerable extent.

As a representative of the constituency, it's reasonable for him to promote infrastructure development in the area.

Oh, the Su family happens to own a construction company and cement. Isn't that a perfect coincidence?
Someone has filed a lawsuit in court? Who among you dares to sue this official?
All newspapers and media outlets, shut up!
This is the constituency, and only the tip of the iceberg of constituency affairs.

There are countless policies related to people's livelihood and welfare. If a legislator wants to make money, government funding alone is enough for him to live comfortably.

Ron and Aditya visited the Dube family in order to acquire land in Varanasi.

He still vividly remembers that nouveau riche manor: the gardens, the sculptures, the retractable roof, the plasma television.
The Dube family got their money from the fact that he was a member of parliament for a certain constituency in Varanasi; he was the "key figure."

Now Ron is going to support a few such congressmen, so that acquiring land and contracting projects will be as easy as taking candy from a baby.

"Winning over a few candidates is no problem, but Ron, what are you going to do about Mirzabul?" Adiya asked.

"Second Uncle, elections in India can be completely manipulated, even more blatantly and openly than in the United States."

"so."

"Don't forget we also have cement plants, with tens of thousands of workers and tens of thousands of families behind them. With hundreds of thousands of people, winning one or two constituencies is more than enough."

"And the elector is from the BJP?"

"No, I'm going to start a new political party."

"Huh?" Adiya thought he had misheard. "A new party? Isn't this too sudden? We weren't prepared at all."

Although he wasn't a member of parliament, he knew that forming a political party was extremely troublesome. Aside from the various bylaws and theories, you also needed to have your own core beliefs.

“This is a political party geared towards lower castes, so there’s no need for all that trouble. Second Uncle, could you tell me about the major political parties in Uttar Pradesh?”

Ron hadn't paid much attention to this before, but being blackmailed twice by the so-called party leader in Lucknow made him realize that he still needed his own staunch political support.

It doesn't matter if they're from the Suer family or not; what matters is that they're obedient and completely under your control!

Since that's the question, Adiyah simply introduced the main political parties in Uttar Pradesh, which are three: the Socialist Party of Malaysia (SP), the Bab-e-Sun Party (BSP), and the BJP (Bharati Party of India).

Needless to say, Ron has already had enough contact with the BJP.

The Socialist Party was founded by Yadav, and its political foundation was an alliance between the Yadav caste and pastoralists.

Their advantages are obvious: the large caste group is their voter base, not to mention that the herders also support them.

The drawbacks are also obvious: Yadav is a low-caste group, but it does not advocate for the welfare of all low-caste groups.

The Socialist Party primarily serves the Yadav group, excluding other backward castes.

Even among lower castes, there are distinctions of rank and social status.

Yadav even seemed to have the intention of elevating his caste and moving away from the lower caste category.

The All India Yadav Union claims that all Yadav are descendants of Krishna.

In the epic, Krishna is described as a cowherd, a caste duty in the Yadav tradition.

According to this view, the genetic makeup of the Yadav should be as pure as, or even purer than, that of the Brahmins.

The alliance also declared that Laru Yadav of Bihar and Mulayam Yadav of Uttar Pradesh were incarnations of Krishna.

Look, they directly find evidence in mythology. The Yadav are not of low caste; they are even purer than Brahmins!
This is like a gangster who, after leaving the criminal underworld, tries desperately to whitewash his past actions. Ultimately, Indian political elections will revert to an era of rampant supernatural beings, where every party leader is portrayed as an incarnation of a god!

Yadav, concerned only with his own interests, monopolized public positions and social resources in Uttar Pradesh that exceeded the proportion of its population.

They also don't care much about their allies—pastoralists—believing that as long as the threat from the BJP exists, the pastors will vote for them no matter what.

As a result, Hindus also believed that Yadav was ignoring his own rights by flattering the herders.

The Socialist Party, which pleases neither side, is unable to mediate the conflict between Hindus and pastoralists, and their current situation is not optimistic.

The Socialist Party of the Masses, which is the party to which Mayawati belongs, is a party of the untouchables.

Their early goal was to unite other backward castes (OBC), unite Dalits, and jointly oppose their upper-caste rivals, and to distribute the political resources and social benefits obtained through elections to their supporters.

This strategy was successful in the early stages, but the alliance between them was unreliable.

When people think of Uttar Pradesh, many imagine a scene where Brahmins or Kshatriyas ride on the backs of the Dalits and lord it over them.

This is not true; Brahmins have no contact with Daritas in their daily lives!
They were either high-ranking civil servants or members of parliament, or upper-class landowners.

For example, the land rented by the Sur family consisted of Shudras and Vaishyas, not Dalits.

Dalit has its own village, which Ron never went to when he was a child, as his family elders wouldn't allow it.

Dalits have easier access to other less developed castes in their daily lives, and the two groups are more likely to compete for the same resources.

That's why we have the absurd situation of the Socialist Party (lower caste) and the BJP (higher caste) now united.

Dalits and Brahmins united?
Yes, the politics of Uttar Pradesh are just that surreal!

Therefore, the Socialist Party also has its own dilemmas. They cannot win over all backward castes, and their alliance with Brahmins will be criticized by other castes.

This led to the Socialist Party's ideology not being about resisting oppression, but about rallying communities that had previously been excluded from electoral politics to fight against other communities.

Incidentally, India's political landscape entered a completely new era starting in the 90s.

It can be broadly summarized as the era of "Mandal" (caste politics) versus "Mandil" (meaning temple, referring to Hindu nationalism).

In other words, it's an era of identity politics based on religious identity versus identity politics based on ethnic identity.
The BJP is "mandil" (religion), a force that attempts to centripetalize the entire Indian population, which is what Mohd later referred to as "saffronization".

The Socialist Party and the Mass Socialist Party are the "Mandal" (caste), a centrifugal force organized by political parties from the middle and lower castes, which can also be called "silent killing".

Two forces are tearing India apart from the federal legacy it inherited from the British Empire.

However, Uttar Pradesh is a special case, as it is dominated by the caste system, and politics there is no exception.

The BJP's ideology is not yet widely accepted by the mainstream in Uttar Pradesh. Therefore, it needs to unite with the Baha'i Party to counter the powerful Yadav-Pastoral Union.

Ironically, both the Socialist Party and the Popular Socialist Party ultimately resort to courting the elite to solidify their electoral base.

Because the upper-class political resources in Uttar Pradesh are controlled by the higher castes, to this day, the proportion of Brahmins and Kshatriyas holding important positions and high-ranking officials still far exceeds that of the higher castes.

That's amazing! Absolutely amazing!
Ron was greatly impressed by the political turmoil in Uttar Pradesh.

This is perhaps the state with the most complex political landscape in all of India; it's a complete mess, with no one willing to submit to anyone else.

This can be seen from the term of office of India's chief ministers. Since independence, only two chief ministers in Uttar Pradesh have completed a full five-year term.

Of the remaining seventeen chief ministers, most stepped down midway through their terms, with the shortest tenure lasting only twenty days.

The treacherous political struggles created this chaotic situation.

"Elections are complicated; this is just an introduction to a few major parties. If we were to discuss their influence across the major districts on the Wild Boar map, it would take days."

“That’s enough. I don’t care about other areas. I only want the Pufancha District!” Ron’s goal was clear.

“Phufancha district is the most troublesome. Gangs are rampant here, and the crime rate is the highest in Uttar Pradesh.” Adiya himself was also very troubled.

"Tripati of Mirzabur and Tiraka of Sumbadra?"

"That's just the south; the north isn't peaceful either. The crazy east has no quiet land."

"Let's deal with the south first, that's about our business and our foundation."

"What are you planning to do?" Adiya asked curiously.

“Clearly, there can only be one sound there,” Ron said, shrugging.

He already had an idea and had even made preparations in advance.

I should go see Muna. I wonder if he has grasped the essence of those missions from a while ago.

Democracy may look completely different in Uttar Pradesh.

(End of this chapter)