My father is Chongzhen? Then I have no choice but to rebel.
Chapter 424 The Emperor's lackeys are up to something again!
But Xue Guoguan didn't immediately get to the point. Instead, he slightly raised his head, his gaze falling on Zhu Cilang, and asked in a calm yet somewhat probing tone:
"May I ask Your Highness, how much do you know about maritime smuggling?"
Zhu Cilang was slightly taken aback, a hint of surprise flashing in his eyes, as if he had not expected Xue Guoguan to suddenly ask about this matter.
In fact, Zhu Cilang knew very little about maritime smuggling; he mostly heard about the specifics from Zheng Xiaomei.
As for the situation in other places, he knew nothing.
However, it should be understood that the coastal areas of the Ming Dynasty were vast and boundless, and were by no means limited to Fujian.
Smuggling is also rampant in coastal provinces such as Guangzhou, Zhejiang, and Jiangsu.
In order to better understand what Xue Guoguan was about to say, he finally shook his head slightly and said:
"I am not very clear about these matters."
Upon hearing this, Xue Guoguan nodded slightly, a knowing glint in his deep eyes, and then slowly said:
"In that case, this old minister will explain it to Your Highness in detail."
After saying that, he took a small sip of tea to moisten his throat, and then began to speak carefully.
During the late Ming Dynasty, smuggling trade in the south was very active.
This mainly involves merchant groups along the southeastern coast of China, who, relying on sea routes, engaged in extensive trade with merchants from Japan, Southeast Asia, and even Europe.
The main group of smugglers who were targeted were the Fujianese merchants, especially the Zheng family, who were Zhu Cilang's father-in-law's family.
They are the most notorious smuggling group, with Zheng Zhilong as its representative.
Zheng Zhilong was initially a pirate and merchant who gradually gained control of trade along the Fujian coast through his extraordinary courage and strategy. Later, he surrendered to the imperial court, established a navy, and completely monopolized the smuggling trade along the southeast coast.
Besides the Zheng family, Quanzhou and Yuegang in Zhangzhou, Fujian, were also important bases for private maritime trade during the Ming Dynasty. Many merchants used these two ports to conduct frequent smuggling trade with overseas countries.
According to reliable sources, Yuegang is a bustling place with ships coming and going every day.
Merchants from Chaozhou and Guangzhou along the Guangdong coast also actively participated in smuggling, especially with European colonists such as Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands.
Take Macau, the outer port of Guangzhou, for example. Since it was occupied by the Portuguese, it has become an important smuggling transit point. Portuguese merchant ships came and went constantly, bringing European goods and taking away Chinese silk, porcelain, and other items.
At that time, Ningbo and Shuangyu Port on the coast of Zhejiang were the largest smuggling trade centers in East Asia.
Shuangyu Port was bustling with merchant ships from all over the world, and various languages mingled together, making it just as lively as a modern metropolis.
Although the imperial court destroyed Shuangyu Port more than a hundred years ago, Zhejiang merchants did not give up and continued to smuggle goods through other coastal strongholds.
In addition, some Huizhou merchants also participated in the smuggling trade. Through cooperation with merchants from Fujian and Guangdong, they transported goods such as raw silk and porcelain from the inland areas to the coast and then smuggled them overseas.
These people smuggled a wide variety of goods. The main export commodities included raw silk, silk fabrics, porcelain, tea, sugar, and medicinal herbs. These commodities were common items in the Ming Dynasty, but they had an absolute advantage in overseas markets, with profits as high as several times or even ten times the initial investment.
Imported goods included Japanese silver, Southeast Asian spices, European firearms, and American silver.
Some of these imported goods met domestic demand, while others became tools for smugglers to make huge profits.
In summary, the smuggling merchants in southern China during the late Ming Dynasty were mainly represented by the Zheng family of Fujian, merchants from southern Fujian, merchants from Guangdong, and merchants from Zhejiang.
They traded with Japanese, Southeast Asian, and European merchants through bases such as Yuegang in Fujian, Xiamen, Shuangyu Port in Zhejiang, Macau in Guangdong, and Nan'ao Island, forming a vast smuggling network.
In all these events, the nobles, bureaucrats, and gentry of the South were also involved.
Moreover, there are many ways in which they participate.
Firstly, there are equity investments, partnerships, and affiliations.
The noble families did not directly manage the fleets, but instead took a share of the profits from the smugglers' trade through a "phantom share" arrangement.
In return, they used their influence to ensure that local naval forces and patrol offices turned a blind eye, and even stepped in to smooth things over when raids occurred.
Private merchants would "contribute" their land and property to nobles or officials, becoming their stewards or servants. In this way, their business activities were disguised as "the property of nobles," making it difficult for local officials to investigate and confiscate them.
Merchant ships could travel freely by flying the banners of a certain minister or a certain duke.
The second option is to directly invest and then operate behind the scenes.
Some noble and bureaucratic families used their enormous accumulated wealth directly as capital for smuggling.
They provided funding and entrusted trusted confidants or servants to organize the supply of goods, build ships, and negotiate with foreign merchants.
The majority of the profits flowed back into the hands of the nobles. This method was less risky and more discreet.
Third, control the ports and collect "fees".
In important smuggling ports, such as Yuegang in Fujian, Liaoluo Bay in Xiamen, and Nan'ao in Guangdong, actual control was often not in the hands of the imperial court, but in the hands of local powerful families and groups that combined officials and gentry.
They charged all smuggling merchant ships that stopped and traded there "berthing fees" and "protection fees," which became an open and semi-institutionalized means of making money. Although it was not as profitable as direct smuggling, it was more stable.
In conclusion, the smuggling activities in the south at the end of the Ming Dynasty were by no means scattered and disorderly illegal trade among the people, but rather a semi-institutionalized capital accumulation movement deeply controlled by the southern nobles and powerful families, and even forming a secret interest-based connection with the local government.
From the maritime merchant group in Yuegang, Fujian, which smuggled raw silk and porcelain under the guise of "tribute" for many years, to the Portuguese merchants in Xiangshan'ao, Guangdong, who obtained trade privileges by bribing local gentry, these activities have long gone beyond being "illegal".
The nobility used their political privileges to provide protection for smuggling fleets, powerful families monopolized the supply and sales channels through their clan power, and some local officials turned a blind eye to smuggling activities because of their share of the profits. Together, they formed a gray network covering the entire chain of production, transportation and sales.
This large-scale, organized smuggling was essentially a direct reflection of the collapse of the national governance system at the end of the Ming Dynasty.
On the one hand, the central government's military spending was insufficient and its bureaucratic system was corrupt, leading to a continuous decline in national capacity. It was unable to control the trade routes along the southeast coast or curb the rise of local powers. On the other hand, the "maritime ban" laws promulgated by the imperial court became mere formalities due to the collective resistance of interest groups. The authority and binding force of the law were completely lost, resulting in a state of ineffectiveness where "officials did not report it and the people did not investigate."
More importantly, the distribution of benefits behind smuggling completely exposed the sharp conflict between the central government and local interest groups: the central government attempted to enrich the national treasury and maintain its rule by controlling trade, while the nobles and powerful families in the south regarded smuggling as the core way to maintain their family status and accumulate wealth. The conflict between the two sides eventually evolved into a fierce struggle for economic resources and local control, becoming one of the important hidden dangers that accelerated the collapse of the Ming regime at the end of the Ming Dynasty!
After Xue Guoguan finished speaking, he was already panting heavily, and he even drank three bowls of tea in between.
Without those three bowls of tea, the old man would probably have fainted long ago, given his advanced age.
The young eunuchs waiting nearby were already drenched in sweat.
He almost cried as he served tea to Xue Guoguan, because he had heard what Xue Guoguan had said earlier. But he knew that these were not things a eunuch like him should hear. Who knows, His Highness the Crown Prince might beat him to death for trying to keep the secret. How could he not cry?
Also drenched in sweat was Ni Yuanlu, the Minister of Revenue, who lived just a wall away.
In fact, when Ni Yuanlu first saw Xue Guoguan, he felt that Zhu Cilang would not summon him so soon, and would have to wait until Xue Guoguan left before summoning him.
To his utter surprise, no sooner had Xue Guoguan entered than a eunuch came to summon him in.
He thought he was being taken to a side hall to wait, but to his surprise, the eunuch led him directly to the outside of the study.
As a result, he overheard most of what Xue Guoguan had just said.
He never expected that Xue Guoguan, the emperor's lackey, would cause trouble again.
Moreover, he was genuinely frightened by Xue Guoguan's words, and his heart was filled with turmoil, from which he could not calm down for a long time.
However, don't misunderstand. His strong reaction was not because he was also involved in smuggling, but because the impact of this matter was too bad, and the people involved were as complicated as a spider web, covering almost the entire officialdom and nobles in the south.
Even some officials in the north were not immune to this storm and were mercilessly swept up in it.
However, even so, if we analyze his historical context, geographical environment, and the characteristics of his official position in depth, we will find that he must have had a profound connection with this phenomenon, and may even have had an indirect entanglement with it at the political level.
First of all, Ni Yuanlu is undoubtedly a typical model of traditional scholar-officials and a shining example of Confucian morality.
His words and deeds were dignified and upright, demonstrating the moral character of Confucianism in every aspect. Even after the fall of the Ming Dynasty, he resolutely chose to die for his country, defending the righteousness in his heart with his own life.
To allow such a person to directly participate in illegal smuggling activities would undoubtedly be a serious desecration of his life's principles and moral pursuits, just like muddy water suddenly flowing into a clear stream, which is absolutely unacceptable.
Secondly, Ni Yuanlu rose to the positions of Minister of Revenue and Minister of Rites, making him an important member of the central decision-making body and holding a pivotal position in the imperial court.
For an official of his rank, personally participating in smuggling activities is like planting a time bomb in his political career that could explode at any moment. It is an unimaginable and extremely serious political stain and a huge risk.
Once the smuggling is exposed, the consequences will be extremely dire. It will not only ruin his own reputation but also drag his entire family into an abyss of despair.
Moreover, aside from matters of national importance, Ni Yuanlu devoted most of his energy to calligraphy and painting, which shows that he pursued the highest spiritual achievements, a spiritual sublimation that transcends material interests, rather than the commercial interests that reek of money.
However, although Ni Yuanlu himself did not directly participate in maritime smuggling activities, he had an inextricable connection with the grand historical context of "maritime smuggling".
Ni Yuanlu was born in Shangyu, Zhejiang, which is located in the eastern part of Zhejiang.
During the mid-to-late Ming Dynasty, this area was one of the most rampant areas for maritime smuggling. The bustling docks along the Zhejiang coast are the best testament to this.
From the early rampages of the "Japanese pirates" to the later rise of Zheng Zhilong's maritime group, their activities closely covered the coastal areas of Zhejiang.
Ni Yuanlu grew up on this land and, having been exposed to it all, how could she not know about the prosperity of private maritime trade and the huge profits behind it?
In addition, Ni Yuanlu currently holds the important position of Minister of Revenue.
The Ministry of Revenue was a key department responsible for national finance, taxation, land tax, and grain transport.
During the difficult period of financial depletion at the end of the Ming Dynasty, there were constant wars in Liaodong, and the suppression of bandits within the country also required huge military expenditures. As the head of the Ministry of Revenue, Ni Yuanlu had to worry about the country's financial problems every day.
Therefore, theoretically speaking, illegal smuggling is something he must crack down on, because it is related to the country's financial stability and long-term peace and security.
Furthermore, Ni Yuanlu was a successor of the Donglin Party and had close ties with the literati in the south.
This political group, to some extent, represented the interests of the gentry and business owners in Jiangnan.
Many gentry families in Jiangnan, in order to gain more benefits, may indirectly profit from overseas trade through investment or patronage.
As one of the group's representatives in the court, Ni Yuanlu needs to respond to the demands of these supporters politically. He may object to the overly strict "sea ban" at the policy level and advocate for more pragmatic policies to promote economic development and social stability.
In summary, although Ni Yuanlu did not personally participate in maritime trade smuggling activities, he inadvertently became a protector for some of them.
In addition, this incident involves so many people that it's like a huge, invisible net that envelops everyone.
He feared that the imperial court would unleash a massacre, just as it had done with previous tax reforms, wiping out everyone involved. That was why he was so afraid.
As for why Xue Guoguan dared to speak about this matter so openly without any scruples, the reason is quite simple.
Xue Guoguan was a native of northern China and spent most of his life in the north.
Although he had served as an official in the south when he was young, he was upright and incorruptible, like a sharp sword, straightforward and inflexible.
Even during his time as an official in the South, he offended many Southern officials and gentry, who harbored resentment towards him and ostracized him at every turn. Therefore, it was naturally impossible for him to integrate into the Southern gentry class.
Furthermore, since he was a member of the Emperor's faction and utterly loyal to the emperor, he naturally spoke his mind. (End of Chapter)
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