Jinting Han people

After reviewing Lian Shike's paper, there was still half of the exam paper remaining.

The content of the Mingfa exam is self-evident. Given that the *Ziya Lü* is currently only implemented within the Bashu region, the Mingfa exam could not be too rigorous. Liu Xian mainly set two questions: first, to explain the principles the examinees believed should be followed in judging cases; second, to prepare ten cases related to ethics and see how the examinees would judge them.

In today's world, there are few people who study law, and even fewer who take the exam. Therefore, as long as one can adhere to principles such as "legality of crime and punishment," "the law does not tolerate leniency," "using punishment to stop punishment," and "punishment can educate," and writes a passable essay in the exam, one will generally be admitted.

To Liu Xian's surprise, among these examinees was a scholar who could recite the *Ziya Lü* perfectly. He judged all ten cases according to the *Ziya Lü* without the slightest error, leading Liu Xian to suspect that someone had given him the questions beforehand. Upon closer inspection, the man's name was Diao Xie, a year older than Liu Xian. He was the son of Diao You, the Imperial Censor during the reign of Emperor Wu of Jin, and had also served as Sima Yi's Sima. Liu Xian racked his brains for a long time before remembering that there was indeed such a person in the Changsha Prince's residence, but he had been feigning illness to avoid trouble for the past six months, so Liu Xian had no recollection of him.

In this situation, he had no connections in Liu Xian's household and clearly relied on his genuine talent and learning. Liu Xian then promoted Diao Xie to the top of the Mingfa examination, but since there were few applicants for the Mingfa examination to begin with, the top scorer did not attract much attention.

The same principle applies to the Yin-Yang discipline; very few people know about obscure subjects like astronomy and calendrical calculations. The content of Liu Xian's examination came from Liu Hui's *Sea Island Mathematical Classic*, an extremely obscure subject that even Liu Xian struggled with when Chen Shou taught him. Therefore, those who applied were either truly talented or unscrupulous individuals trying to take advantage of the situation. There were only about thirty applicants, and ultimately only seven were deemed capable. The best was Xun Rui from the Xun clan of Yingchuan, followed by Zhuge Xiu, son of Zhuge Xian; Liu Xian thus only selected seven.

Besides the Lian Shi Ke (廉士科), the most important was the Liang Jiang Ke (良将科). With the empire still unsettled, military campaigns remained the top priority. If Liu Xian hadn't reviewed the accounts and discovered that the internal affairs of Jiangnan had reached a point of no return, and fundamentally opposed a large-scale northward military campaign, he probably wouldn't have undertaken such sweeping reforms. But ultimately, it was all in preparation for a northward advance.

Therefore, Liu Xian's question on the archery strategy of the Good Generals Examination was rather general. He simply asked, "If the country wants to unify the world, what should we start with in the current military affairs?"
This isn't really a question; it's more like allowing all the archers to speak freely. But there's no other way. Those willing to take the exam for generals are mostly from poor families. They mainly practice martial arts, and it's already difficult enough for them to memorize some military strategies and write some articles. If the questions are too difficult, they'll probably have nothing to say.

Therefore, Liu Xian didn't expect many good articles in these policy questions. As long as they had something to say, that would be enough. He mainly wanted to see what Tao Kan wrote in the policy questions. If there were one or two other talented people besides Tao Kan, that would be a good result.

Therefore, he separated Tao Kan's policy question and read the rest of the articles first.

It must be said that there were quite a few talented individuals participating in this imperial examination for outstanding generals. Liu Xian first glanced through them and found a considerable number, spanning from Sichuan and Chongqing to Huainan. Among them were Yin Feng of Nanyang, Pang Yi of Zhuti, Liu Shen of Panyu, Xu Gao of Fengcheng, Wang Qianqi of Hedong, Liu Yin of Donglai, Cai Bao of Chenliu, and Zhou Fu of Runan. Although most of them were not particularly eloquent and could not write exceptionally well-written essays, their practical and realistic strategic suggestions were still quite good.

For example, when Yin Feng served in Lingling for many years, he talked extensively about the geography of Xiangzhou in his policy questions. He pointed out that there were many Yue people in the mountains there, and that they could learn from the wisdom of the Eastern Wu. On the one hand, he could send newly recruited troops south to fight the Yue people and train them, so that the new soldiers could see blood and gain experience in killing enemies. On the other hand, if the Yue people were captured and incorporated into his troops, they could also serve as the vanguard for the northern expedition. This would also strengthen the court's control over Xiangzhou, achieving multiple benefits in one fell swoop.

Liu Xian didn't have similar thoughts. After all, his great-grandfather wasn't like Sun Quan, who had an excellent reputation in Xiangzhou and whose cooperation with the Yue tribes was mostly pleasant. Rather than provoking the Yue tribes, it was better to win them over and recruit them normally, without disrupting the already stable order in Xiangzhou. However, Yin Feng was able to think about military strategy from a political perspective, and was at least a promising talent, so Liu Xian hired him normally and kept an eye on him.

Similar opinions abound. For example, Liu Shen of Panyu shared the same name as Liu Shen, the former Duke of Beidi, but his approach was far more radical. Upon hearing of the court's recent financial difficulties, he strongly advocated for the development of Guangzhou's navy. He argued that many fleets from overseas countries frequently traded in Guangzhou, and the court could send a navy south to trade there, which would surely be very fruitful. In his writing, Liu Shen listed a long string of overseas countries and their traded goods, greatly broadening Liu Xian's horizons and filling him with longing.

Unfortunately, this is an idea that cannot be adopted at present; one can only say that the intention is commendable.

After careful consideration, only two suggestions were ultimately acceptable.

One suggestion came from Liu Yin of Donglai. Liu Yin had been to Youzhou and had some connections with Wang Jun. He believed that since Liu Xian had now destroyed the Jin court and established the Jin'an Kingdom in Jiangdong, he was undoubtedly the rightful heir. He suggested trying to recruit Wang Jun, who had settled in Liaodong. Wang Jun was based in Liaodong and had ruled Hebei for many years. He still had some ties with the Duan tribe of Xianbei and remained a force that could be utilized. If they could be won over in advance, it might have a significant effect when they recovered Hebei in the future.

Another source is Wang Qianqi of Hedong. Wang Qianqi was the son of Wang Jie, a famous scholar from Hedong. He was originally a Confucian scholar, but after experiencing the chaos of war in recent years, he believed that scholars were useless and that it was better to become a general. Therefore, he decided to abandon his pen and join the army. As a result, his writing and calligraphy were the most outstanding among those selected as good generals.

Wang Qianqi's viewpoint is also valid. He believes that given the current situation, if a northern expedition is to be launched, the first step is to prepare supply routes. The south has abundant water resources, while the north has plenty of horses; therefore, logistics must be improved according to local conditions. Since Liu Xian is currently based in Yi'an, transporting supplies northward requires utilizing the Han River. However, if they follow the existing waterways, they would have to take a long detour, traveling from Yi'an to Baling, then to Xiakou, and finally into the Han River, a journey of over a thousand miles. This would significantly prolong the time required to transport supplies and increase logistical losses.

Therefore, Wang Qianqi suggested that Liu Xian continue the project initiated by Du Yu, connecting the Yi River, You River, Li River, and Ruan River to the south, so that grain transport from various parts of Jiangnan could directly reach Yi'an. This would reduce the cost of transporting grain from Yi'an and strengthen the court's control over Jiangnan. To the north, starting from Jiangling, they should continue to dredge the connections between the Han River and the various tributaries of the Yangtze River, connecting the Zhang River, Ju River, Yu River, and Han River into one.

This is a massive project, but once completed, it will save at least 600 li of transport time. Furthermore, with the two large cities of Yian and Jiangling as the center, it will integrate the north and south banks of the Yangtze River, irrigate the fields on both sides, and divert floodwaters from the Yangtze River. Whether from the perspective of people's livelihood or military affairs, it will be a win-win situation.

Liu Xian greatly appreciated the suggestion, but he also knew that it was not a strategy that could be implemented immediately. It would require considerable manpower and resources to complete. So he kept it and wrote a simple note, intending to have Gu Rong, Lu Yun, and others draft a plan to see how much manpower it might cost and how many years it would take to complete.

With that, all the other articles had been reviewed, and Liu Xian finally looked at Tao Kan's proposal.

As a renowned general of Jingzhou who had risen to prominence since the time of Sima Yi, Liu Xian placed high hopes on Tao Kan. Tao Kan, in turn, devoted himself wholeheartedly to the task, making thorough preparations for his comeback and writing a lengthy analytical article of over a thousand words, demonstrating his strategic acumen.

He first pointed out the current situation of the world: the Southern Han has now unified the south and is the legitimate successor of Shu Han, making it the most powerful force in the world. No other force can compare with the Southern Han. If it wants to unify the world, the Southern Han has already widened the gap with other forces, which is beyond doubt. However, being large also has its disadvantages. Although the Southern Han has a vast territory and strategic advantages, making it able to form its own unified state, its weaknesses become apparent when it wants to advance northward.

Firstly, the South is vast and sparsely populated, with counties and prefectures fragmented by mountains and rivers, making it extremely easy for autonomous separatist regimes to emerge. Furthermore, the powerful clans are deeply entrenched, making it far more difficult to consolidate power than other forces.

Moreover, the Southern Han stands out from the crowd, making it the target of everyone's envy. Because it is currently the most powerful, it also arouses the greatest fear among other forces. A united front between Sun Quan and Liu Bei would benefit both, while a divided alliance would harm both. Given the precedent of the Three Kingdoms period, they will inevitably become more united. To prevent the Southern Han from defeating and annexing them one by one, mutual support is unavoidable. The recent exchange of interests between Liu Cong, Shi Le, and Liu Bogen serves as clear evidence of this.

In this light, the Southern Han's national strength was no stronger than that of Cao Wei, which unified the north. On the other hand, the combined strength of the two Lius in the north far surpassed that of Sun Quan and Liu Bei. Therefore, the Southern Han could not easily assume unification. Instead, it had to act cautiously, try to separate and divide these enemies, and gain the advantage of being stronger than the weak.

Therefore, the Southern Han should be extremely cautious in choosing its strategic offensive options.

Based on battle examples since the late Han Dynasty, the Qinling Mountains and the Huai River can be used as a dividing line to divide the northern and southern battlefields into three routes: the eastern, central, and western routes. These are the Guanzhong Plain battlefield, the Central Plains battlefield, and the Huaibei battlefield. This is not to say that there were no other battlefields, but due to logistical constraints, these were the only three battlefields available for large-scale decisive battles.

The three battlefields also meant three different enemies: the enemy in the Guanzhong battlefield was Liu Cong, the enemy in the Huaibei battlefield was Liu Bogen, and the Central Plains battlefield might mean facing the armies of Liu Cong, Shi Le, and Liu Bogen simultaneously.

From the most direct logical point of view, the Han army's main offensive direction should be Guanzhong and Longxi. Firstly, there are still considerable forces in Guanzhong and Longxi that are attached to the court, and secondly, Liu Cong, the enemy, is obviously the weakest.

Tao Kan, however, disagreed. He argued that while an attack on Guanzhong and Longxi might succeed, the consequences would be unbearable for the court. Conquering Longxi was not the same as occupying it, and occupying it was not the same as governing it. Although Liu Cong's forces were the weakest, Guanzhong and Longxi had the largest number of Hu people, numbering in the millions, and their influence was the most diverse. Furthermore, Zhao Han had established a Chanyutai in Shuofang. If the Han army were to enter Guanzhong and Longxi, it would likely require a great deal of effort to pacify and settle these Hu people, and it was difficult to say how effective it would be.

Furthermore, it must be considered that the political center of the Southern Han Dynasty is currently in the Jianghan Plain, while Guanzhong, as an independent geographical unit, is too far from the Jianghan Plain for the court to effectively control. Meanwhile, Liu Cong, backed by Shi Le and Liu Baigen, can continuously harass and bleed Guanzhong dry. This will lead to the state being unable to sustain its military expenditures on the Guanzhong Plain, thus preventing it from committing troops to other battlefields and prolonging the period of division.

Therefore, it would be more reasonable to use Guanzhong as a secondary battlefield to contain Liu Cong, while placing the main battlefield in the Central Plains or Huaibei. These regions have fewer Hu people, flat terrain, no natural defenses for Qi and Han, and numerous rivers to support water transport, making it convenient for the Han army to carry out military operations. They are also easier to govern. Once the counties are captured, they can be managed nearby, resources can be integrated, and given the richness of the Central Plains, the military-agricultural settlements can quickly yield results.

In contrast, the Central Plains battlefield centered on Luoyang was more important than the Huaibei battlefield. Not only was the Jianghan Plain closer to Luoyang, but Zu Ti also provided support. More importantly, once communication with Luoyang was established, the Han army would completely seize the strategic initiative.

Although Luoyang appears to be located in the center of the world, a strategically vital location, it is actually protected by eight passes and now, without the burden of a large population, it can withstand a large enemy force with a small number of troops. Correspondingly, the Han army will now directly gain the power to intervene in all parties' affairs. No matter which side changes its course, it can send troops from Luoyang to intervene and guide the situation in a direction favorable to the Han army.

Regarding specific battle tactics, Tao Kan advised Liu Xian not to focus too much on training cavalry in the south, but rather to continue to leverage the advantages of his navy. This is because the strengths and advantages of the navy and cavalry are actually complementary.

The navy's advantage lies in the transition from spring to summer each year. As long as the water level rises, ships can move freely across the Central Plains. Cities in the Central Plains are often built along rivers, and with the sturdiness of the ships and the sharpness of the bows and arrows, it is not difficult to conquer cities one by one during the high water season. However, after the autumn floods end, the water level in the Huai River basin drops rapidly, making it impossible for large ships to pass, and even small ships often run aground. Once winter arrives and the rivers freeze over, ships become sitting ducks, unable to move an inch.

In contrast, the cavalry's advantage lies in autumn and winter. Warhorses, after all, are living beings, not puppets. To engage in high-intensity combat, they must expend considerable time to rest and recuperate, gaining sufficient strength before they can gallop long distances. In autumn and winter, the ground is hard, and rivers freeze over, making the cavalry virtually invincible once they set out. However, by spring and summer, the ground becomes muddy and difficult to traverse, and the warhorses, lacking fodder and weakened, are less effective.

Therefore, Tao Kan advised Liu Xian to play to his strengths and avoid his weaknesses. Starting in late spring and early summer, he should send his navy north to attack and capture cities, and then establish defenses on the spot. Cavalry are not good at attacking cities, so as long as they can hold out until the cavalry withdraws the following year, the Han army can continue to advance north. In this way, in a few years, they can first eliminate Qi and Han, and take over the five provinces of Yan, Yu, Qing, Xu and Si. The strength of the court will then completely overwhelm the other forces, and it will be much easier to advance westward to manage Guanzhong or to advance northward to recover Hebei.

Of course, according to Tao Kan, recovering Hebei first and forming an overwhelming human advantage was still a higher priority than managing Guanzhong.

Finally, Tao Kan wrote in his strategy essay: "During the Warring States period, there was the concept of alliances and counter-alliances. When the Qin emperor rose to power through alliances, the Chu king rose to power through counter-alliances. Now, our nation possesses the foundation of a strong Chu state and the power to traverse the rivers and seas. We are poised to conquer the Central Plains, unite the forces in the east, and with a million armored soldiers and a fleet stretching for thousands of miles, we will sweep across the land with overwhelming force. Although there is no precedent to follow, Your Majesty is a hero unseen in history and is destined to achieve an unprecedented hegemony. Once the east is secured, we can return to Luoyang, reorganize the six armies, pacify the Hebei region, and even if a million barbarians invade, what will we have to worry about? Or we can clear the northern deserts, establish merit in Longcheng, establish military connections with Liaodong, and inform the Western Regions. By then, the world can be at peace, and a golden age can be expected!"

After reading it, Liu Xian sighed deeply. He mentioned this strategy to Li Xiu and commented, "Tao Shiheng truly has the style of Feng Yi, and may be the Wang Jun of today."

After four days of review, the first round of selection for official positions was completed. After announcing all the lists, the Ministry of Personnel urgently arranged positions to distribute the selected scholars to various parts of the country.

But it was at this time that Yang Nandi sent a silk scroll from Hanzhong. The scroll contained few words, but the opening numbers were already alarming: Locust plagues and drought ravage Guanzhong, causing a great famine. (End of Chapter)