My Peninsula 2007

Chapter 458 Appeal
An Rusong looked at Zhang Shidong with a smile on his face. His expression was very focused, as if he was listening carefully to what the other party was saying, and he even agreed with what the other party was saying. However, in his heart, he did not take the guy's words seriously at all.

"Whether it's the North Korean issue or the China issue, it all comes down to a fundamental political stance," An Rusong's words seemed to encourage Zhang Shidong. The old man continued, "In the political circles of the Republic of Korea, anything can be vague or ambiguous, but this fundamental political stance cannot be vague or ambiguous..."

“Alright, today is not the time to discuss these issues,” An Rusong said patiently, but Quan Douhuan, as the host, was the first to lose patience. He interrupted Zhang Shidong, saying, “Besides, Shidong, old guys like us, since we’ve already distanced ourselves from the political circle, shouldn’t be talking about those national affairs anymore. You need to understand, whether what you’re saying makes sense or conforms to reality, put that aside for now. Do you think anyone would like to hear it? So, if you say it and complain, no one will listen, and no one will like to listen. You’ll waste your energy and offend people. What’s the point?”

Zhang Shidong opened his mouth, as if he wanted to say something, but Quan Douhuan waved his hand to stop him.

“Representative Park asked you to help make connections today so that he could have a proper talk with Ru Song, not to listen to your complaints,” Chun Doo-hwan said, turning his gaze to Park Hee-tae, who was smiling but not saying a word. “Don’t steal the show, you rascal.”

"Hehe, Minister Zhang is indeed concerned about national affairs, and what he said isn't entirely without merit," Park Hee-tae said with a smile. "Actually, there are quite a few people within the party who hold differing opinions regarding Cheong-hee's recent visit to China. However..."

His tone turned serious, and he added, "In the economic sphere, there is still a lot of pressure urging Qingxi to visit China, after all, it is a market that is so large and desirable, even if it is not yet mature."

After saying this, he seemed to remember something and even sighed with a hint of disappointment.

“Yes, the situation now is completely different from what it was twenty years ago,” Chun Doo-hwan sighed, first saying with some emotion, then looking at Jang Se-dong and saying, “So, Se-dong, you can’t look at problems with the old perspective of the past. You need to look at the outside world more.”

It's not surprising that Chun Doo-hwan would say such a thing, after all, he was once president, and his vision and perspective on issues are far superior to those of Zhang Shidong, who is neither cultured nor insightful.

In reality, within South Korea, although there's no pro-North Korea sentiment and public opinion tends to resist and vilify the North, those within the core political circles, whether progressive or conservative, are quite cautious when dealing with North Korea relations. This differs from public opinion. Ultimately, politicians cannot approach foreign relations with the same emotional intensity as ordinary citizens. So-called toughness or weakness is not a stance or attitude, but rather a tactic.

One thing is certain: if any South Korean president were to say that he wanted to further strengthen relations with the North Korean power, Washington would certainly not be pleased. But if any South Korean president were to constantly provoke the North Korean power, acting as if war was imminent, Washington would also eliminate him immediately.

Furthermore, if, as Zhang Shidong claims, the North Korean issue and the China issue truly represent the basic political stance of South Korean politicians, then what about the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea? That was a groundbreaking journey initiated by Roh Tae-woo, who was continuing the line of President Chun Doo-hwan. So, in this light, could Chun Doo-hwan have been a progressive?

With Chun Doo-hwan's suppression, Zhang Shidong was finally at peace, though his expression still held some resentment. However, An Rusong knew perfectly well what Zhang Shidong truly cared about; he knew that Zhang Shidong's real concern was likely not about Li Minbo's diplomatic policy inclinations, but rather that he simply had a problem with Li Minbo.

So why does he have such a strong opinion against Lee Min-bok? Well, there are only two reasons: First, Lee Min-bok infringed upon his interests; second, he deliberately acted this way in front of Park Hee-tae to show his loyalty to the people represented by Park Hee-tae.

During his rebirth, An Rusong had been dealing with important figures in South Korean politics. He realized that none of them were true politicians who cared for the country and its people. Every single one of them was just putting on a political show, and what they were really pursuing every day was their own interests.

South Korea is such a tiny country, situated on a barren, war-torn peninsula. Its people are constantly causing trouble, and the politicians who hold power are a bunch of shameless and immoral rats. Therefore, this country is truly doomed, with no bright future.

“What you say is right,” Park Hee-tae said, perhaps because Chun Doo-hwan had spoken up. “The situation in East Asia today is completely different from what it was ten years ago. When China joined the WTO, who could have imagined that its economy would develop to this extent in less than ten years? It’s only the first half of the year, but many think tanks predict that China’s GDP this year is likely to exceed 4.5 trillion.”

He paused, then emphasized, "The US dollar! And that's a conservative estimate. Besides, if China continues its growth rate of the past decade or so, its GDP will surpass Japan's in just the next couple of years." "So, for those multinational corporations in the country, it will be a huge market, and at the same time, it means countless opportunities to make profits," Park Hee-tae said, picking up his teacup. "Therefore, choosing between traditional conservatism and immediate interests is far too simplistic."

"Representative Park also means the same thing?" Zhang Shidong asked, his eyes wide with surprise.

After asking the question, he seemed to realize something, and quickly raised his hand and pointed upwards, adding, "I meant that person."

Clearly, the Park he was referring to was not the Park Hee-tae in front of him, but rather Miss Park.

Park Hee-tae nodded and continued, "It's not just Representative Park; strengthening economic ties with China is a consensus among most people. However, this consensus is more of a tacit understanding, something everyone knows without saying."

Looking at An Rusong, he smiled and said, "That's why I said, Chairman An, you don't need to worry that we will sow discord between you and Qingxi. We have never thought of challenging Qingxi's position in the party, at least not during his years as president. This is not only because we don't want to create a party split, but also because what Qingxi is doing now is beneficial to all of us."

"Isn't that so?" He asked with a smile in his last sentence, a rhetorical question that actually revealed a lot of information.

As Park Hee-tae just mentioned, strengthening economic ties with China is already a tacit consensus within the Grand National Party. However, the Grand National Party is a core conservative party, and conservatives have always been cautious on issues related to China-South Korea relations. Therefore, for the person leading the party, advocating even just for strengthening economic ties with China is a move that would be considered extremely controversial.

Looking at the reactions of people like Zhang Shidong, one can see how much those extreme conservatives disliked Li Minbo at this time. One thing is certain: Ms. Park's ability to quickly win over many centrists and expand her influence within the Grand National Party likely benefited from Li Minbo's clear stance on actively expanding Sino-Korean relations.

To put it bluntly, the reason why Ms. Park was able to win over the centrists within the party is because Lee Min-bok showed a pro-China trend in foreign relations. However, if Ms. Park were in Lee Min-bok's position, she would also need to make the same choices as Lee Min-bok.

There's no other reason than that South Korea is too close to China. At the same time, while the world is suffering from the impact of the subprime mortgage crisis, only China's economy is still on a steady and rapid development path. As a rational politician, Ms. Park is also very clear that if she wants to put South Korea's economy back on the fast track of development, she must strengthen the economic cooperation between China and South Korea.

Therefore, what Lee Min-bo is doing now is tantamount to paving the way for her to take over the Blue House five years later. During his years in office, President Lee has done what he was supposed to do and attracted all the attention. When Miss Park takes office five years later, she only needs to follow suit. Instead of worrying about attracting criticism from all sides over the issue of China-South Korea relations, she will not have to worry about it.

From this perspective, Ms. Park certainly doesn't need to cause trouble for Lee Min-bo. In the next few years, she doesn't need to do anything. She just needs to maintain her advantage within the party and ensure that she can win the presidential nomination five years later.

From this perspective, it's not hard to understand why Park Hee-tae was trying to win over An Ru-song. Neither he nor the young lady Park behind him needed An Ru-song to betray Lee Min-bo. What they wanted was for people like An Ru-song to not side with anyone other than Lee Min-bo five years later.

Ms. Park's logic is this: as long as Lee Min-bo is the boss, she can be the second-in-command with peace of mind. All she needs to do is ensure that five years later, when the boss retires, no one in the party can challenge her position.

(End of this chapter)