What do you mean by quitting the business? I'm not a big shot.

Chapter 642 Bill Leaked
"Back to flee again?" Jacqueline Leung had just gotten off work, wearing a white shirt and no trousers, just a pair of tight-fitting briefs.

Yin Zhaotang's attention immediately fell on her long, beautiful legs, and he said, "What do you mean by fleeing? I was afraid you were too lonely, so I came to chat with you."

Jacqueline Leung sat at the bar facing Victoria Harbour, holding a teacup in her hand. Her lips touched the rim of the cup, leaving a red mark. She looked very relaxed and raised an eyebrow, asking, "Red wine, coffee, or tea?"

"Tea."

Yin Zhaotang, familiar with the place, moved a chair over and sat down beside him.

"Is raw Pu'er okay?"

Jacqueline Leung's manicured toes and slippers, while not wearing a sexy lace outfit, were accentuated by her cotton pants that hugged her hips, highlighting the perfect curves of her legs and creating a very comfortable and bright visual effect.

It's more alluring than a fiery, over-the-top sexiness, making it irresistible.

Even though he knew Dr. Liang inside and out, every time he saw her, Yin Zhaotang always wanted to savor her more, like a cup of tea in his hand, with rich layers and endless aftertaste.

"Good tea."

Taiping Mountain.

Inside the Governor's residence, Youde was working at his desk, sipping coffee and reviewing documents. His assistant opened the door, brought in a document, and placed it on the table: "Sir, Mr. Li Jiacheng of Cheung Kong Holdings' report."

He had already planned to finish work and return to his bedroom, but upon hearing that it was Li Jiacheng's document, Youde forced himself to stay alert, opened it, and his expression turned serious. He picked up a pen, wrote a note, and handed it to his assistant: "Tomorrow, release it to the public and tell the legislative department to prepare."

"Yes, sir." The assistant took the document, glanced at the beginning, and saw that the Chinese side's "Education Reform Bill" had been passed by internal resolution, along with detailed clauses.

This is a top-secret national document; even if the Military Intelligence Bureau wanted to steal it, it would take them at least several years. With Li Jiacheng's assistance, they indeed reaped a pleasant surprise.

Although the British side was already aware of the Education Bill and knew it was likely to pass, guessing the inside story and obtaining the documents are two different things. Guessing only reveals the strategic direction, while the actual documents can be used to plan harassment incidents.

After reviewing the last document, Youde felt exhausted. He took a deep breath, picked up his coffee cup, and gulped down a mouthful, but still felt dizzy and lightheaded. He decided to end his workday there.

China's reform plan has struck at the heart of the British plan. With just an "Education Reform" bill, they have effectively strangled the "150,000-person plan," preventing its smooth implementation.

After 97, what the UK will have to return is not just sovereignty, but also the financial hegemony, legal hegemony, and educational hegemony that it has cultivated over a long period of time.

Although it has lost its capitalist and military hegemony, Britain, under the guise of democracy, cultural invasion, and regional conflicts, is striving for "soft colonization," "spiritual colonization," and "political colonization."

Furthermore, it could continue to leech off Hong Kong, using finance to harvest Chinese assets. At the very least, it could sow discord in Hong Kong's security situation and blockade China.

Downing Street had issued a strict order: if the "150,000-person plan" failed and Youde's term ended, an investigation would be launched, damaging not only his political career but also his family's honor, and he could even face imprisonment. The next morning.

Yin Zhaotang woke up in her Wan Chai apartment. After washing up, she ate a salad with Dr. Liang. Although the vinegar-dressed tomatoes and lettuce were acceptable in taste, they lacked heme protein and carbohydrates, leaving her feeling like she was awake but her jaw muscles weren't fully awake.

After dropping Dr. Liang off at the hospital, he didn't forget to ask Niu Qiang to buy a pork chop bun from the tea restaurant.

"Boss, I just saw the news on TV at the tea restaurant. There are people opposing the education bill," Niu Qiang said cautiously as he handed breakfast to his boss.

Yin Zhaotang's expression froze for a moment, and he immediately realized that the bill had been leaked. It was probably the authorities who had sent someone to create political public opinion. He frowned and asked, "Who is supporting this?"

Niu Qiang noticed the name on the news and said, "His name is Sima Hua. He looks like a politician."

Yin Zhaotang's mind conjured up an image of a middle-aged man with thick eyebrows and big eyes: "Uncle Hua from the Education Group, right? Let's go back to the company first."

"Yes." Niu Qiang got into the car and told his brother to drive.

On the way, Yin Zhaotang slowly munched on his pork chop bun, pondering countermeasures. First, the leak of the complete bill meant there was a mole within the committee. There was no need to be surprised; if they couldn't oppose it openly, they'd resort to underhanded tactics—a common tactic for politicians.

Whether it's dissatisfaction with him personally, with the bill itself, or with China, leaking the bill is possible. Every single one of the hundred committee members is a suspect, and they aren't necessarily conservatives.

Staunch supporters like Hu Bochao, Liao Runchen, and Ge Zhixiong are, of course, theoretically suspects, with the possibility approaching zero.

Secondly, the foreigners' call for Sima Hua from the LF Education Group to come out and challenge them was very targeted.

Sima Hua himself is a pro-democracy activist who is very famous in Hong Kong. He has more than 40 years of experience in the education sector, having served as a teacher, principal, and chairman of the Education Personnel Association.

In 1978, an anti-principal corruption movement was launched in Kowloon City, which established the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union's position.

In 1985, he was promoted to the Hong Kong Island LF Bureau's Education Functional Group. In the same year, he was also elected as a member of the "Basic Law Draft Group" in mainland China, but resigned two years later due to political differences.

Historically, he was the most influential political figure in Hong Kong's education sector. He strongly supported students' participation in political movements and frequently trained university students to become "student union presidents" to run for legislator, thus opening up a path for students to enter politics and granting all student unions in Hong Kong enormous power.

During the Hong Kong unrest, many university presidents and teachers dared not or were unwilling to intervene because the student unions were backed by political forces from the education department. They not only dared to beat teachers and threaten presidents, but also knew how to use public opinion to smear presidents, falsely accuse them of rape, and force them to resign, etc.
It's not surprising that such a person would resolutely oppose the Education Reform Act and stand up to cause trouble.

Yin Zhaotang already understands what the Hong Kong government wants to do: "Provoke conflict, prevent the bill from being implemented, create conflict, and overturn the bill's provisions."

"You chose that star, are you trying to mess with me because I'm Japanese? No, wait, they wouldn't dare mess with Japanese people, they only mess with their own, huh? Damn it!"

(End of this chapter)