Rise of Empires: Spain.

Chapter 538 The Plan Fails
For Germany, the disagreement between Emperor Wilhelm II and the Junker nobles was the final straw that broke the camel's back.

Yes, other European countries face similar problems. Even though France has liberated itself, reclaimed all its territory, and is now launching an offensive against Germany.

In reality, France would not have been able to hold out for so long without support from Spain.

In order to prevent the military from interfering in its political affairs, the French government chose to find a pretext to dismiss former Army Commander-in-Chief and Chief of the General Staff, Joffre.

This is actually the same as the power struggle within the German High Command, but France is currently in a dominant position, which allows it to cover up these shortcomings.

For Germany, which is already at a disadvantage, engaging in internal strife at such a critical juncture will only lead to its own destruction.

Wilhelm II almost defied public opinion and forcefully passed the Balkan counter-offensive plan proposed by Chief of the General Staff Falkingham at a military conference of the German Supreme Command, completely disregarding the objections of Hindenburg and Ludendorff.

The argument between Chief of the General Staff Falkenhahn and Commander-in-Chief of the German forces on the Eastern Front, Hindenburg, became the hottest news in Germany that day, and the newspaper that published the news was subsequently shut down.

Wilhelm II was willing to risk everything to support Chief of the General Staff Falkingham because he had no other choice at the moment.

Listening to Hindenburg and Ludendorff might have been the right thing to do, at least for Germany. But Wilhelm II didn't belong to Germany; rather, Germany belonged to Wilhelm II.

For Kaiser Wilhelm II, to a certain extent, his imperial power was more important than the interests of Germany.

Even if following Hindenburg and Ludendorff's advice could have won the world war, Germany would have found itself in the awkward situation of its imperial power being usurped by the Junker aristocracy.

Rather than that, it's better to take a gamble. If they win, Wilhelm II will still be the undisputed ruler of Germany.

Even if they lose, given the good relations between the German royal family and other European countries, Wilhelm II could still choose to seek refuge in other European countries and pursue the possibility of restoration after the war.

For Wilhelm II, this was clearly a high-stakes gamble. A more normal ruler would have carefully considered the pros and cons and then chosen the more conservative option with less loss.

However, for Wilhelm II, whose personality was inherently extreme and who was arrogant and conceited, he would never allow the imperial power in his hands to be challenged, nor would he allow the Junker nobles to stand above him.

With Kaiser Wilhelm II unwavering in his support for Chief of the General Staff Falkingham, Hindenburg and Ludendorff, despite having a thousand excuses, could not possibly persuade Wilhelm II to approve their war plans.

Helpless, Hindenburg and Ludendorff could only watch Germany's strategic shift and observe the impending Balkan counter-offensive.

As the commander-in-chief and chief of staff of the German Eastern Front army respectively, Hindenburg and Ludendorff should have been transferred to more important positions on the Western Front or the Balkans, given that Germany was about to make a large-scale troop redeployment to the Eastern Front.

However, both Wilhelm II and German Chief of the General Staff Falkingham were wary of these two men, which resulted in them having no role in the subsequent German offensive plans, despite being the Commander-in-Chief and Chief of the General Staff of the German forces on the Eastern Front.

Kaiser Wilhelm II gave Hindenburg and Ludendorff two options: either remain on the Eastern Front to guard against a possible Russian surprise attack.

Alternatively, one could go to the Western Front and serve as the commander-in-chief of an army group there, defending against the Allied summer offensive.

Did they have a choice between Hindenburg and Ludendorff? Of course not.

At this time, the Eastern Front was essentially a battlefield without fighting.

Without the German army launching an offensive against Russia, the Russian army would not dare to launch a counterattack against Germany.

Unless Germany suffers a major defeat on the Western Front or in the Balkans, neither the Russian Provisional Government nor the Soviet Russian Government would be willing to offend a powerful Germany at this time.

While going to the Western Front would indeed allow for deeper involvement in the war, Hindenburg and Ludendorff, if they had gone to the Western Front, would not have served as Commander-in-Chief and Chief of Staff of the German Army on the Western Front, but rather as Commander-in-Chief and Chief of Staff of a certain army group on the Western Front.

There's a significant difference in rank between them. If Hindenburg were to relinquish his title as Commander-in-Chief of the German forces on the Eastern Front and instead assume the role of Commander-in-Chief of just one of the army groups, his standing within the military would inevitably be drastically diminished.

The chances of the Commander-in-Chief of the German forces on the Eastern Front competing for the position of Chief of the General Staff were much greater than those of the Commander-in-Chief of an army group competing for the position.

While he wouldn't completely lose the chance to compete for the position of Chief of the General Staff, Hindenburg was well aware that if he chose to go to the Western Front, the obstacles he would face in becoming the Commander-in-Chief of a front-line German army would be much greater.

Ultimately, Hindenburg and Ludendorff did not choose to go to the Western Front. One reason was that they knew Wilhelm II and Falkingham's plans were likely to fail.

On the other hand, the Eastern Front is indeed extremely important. If Russia were to rejoin the war and launch an attack on Germany, Germany would have no chance of victory.

Although there was some dissatisfaction with Wilhelm II's actions, for the sake of the interests of the whole of Germany, there absolutely could not be any problems on the Eastern Front.

Hindenburg and Ludendorff's decision to remain on the Eastern Front surprised Wilhelm II and Falkingham, but it was a good thing for them.

This also means that the German army's next offensive plan will have nothing to do with Hindenburg and Ludendorff. Once the German army can quickly defeat the Balkan coalition forces on the border with Austria-Hungary, as Falkingham predicted, Germany will sweep away its previous decline, and Kaiser Wilhelm II, who promoted this plan, will gain great prestige and completely solidify his power in the German military.

Kaiser Wilhelm II's envisioned Balkan counter-offensive was quite promising, but the German army found it fraught with difficulties in its actual execution.

First, the armies of the Balkan states did not lose their will to fight after the surrender of Austria-Hungary, contrary to what Chief of the General Staff Falkenhayn had predicted.

Because the war caused immense damage to the Balkans' industry and economy, the Balkan states were quite interested in the war reparations offered by Germany after the war's victory.

On the other hand, although Austria-Hungary announced its surrender, the transfer of related territories was not yet complete. The Balkan states still had to rely on the Allied powers for matters such as the subsequent distribution of war reparations.

Under such circumstances, even though the governments of the Balkan countries have become somewhat lax, their armies dare not slack off in the slightest.

Serbia, in particular, has become one of the two largest countries in the Balkans after acquiring Slavonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, along with Romania.

It is clear that the Serbian government is not satisfied with its current territory and population. Since Romania has no connection to the Yugoslavs, and as the most powerful nation within the Yugoslav community, Serbia has naturally proclaimed the slogan of reviving the glory of the former Yugoslavs, planning to establish a large federal kingdom composed of multiple Yugoslav states to unify all Yugoslav ethnic groups.

The so-called Greater Yugoslav Federal Kingdom was actually quite vast. In addition to the existing Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Slavonia, the Serbian government also planned to annex Montenegro, Croatia, and Albania.

If Serbia could truly control such a vast territory, it would easily surpass Romania to become the largest country in the Balkans.

With the Austro-Hungarian Empire losing vast territories, Serbia even had a chance to surpass it and challenge its position as a major power.

Of course, this is only a hope. But for the Serbs, who have been dormant for so long, the prospect of building such a large and powerful kingdom is an unparalleled temptation.

To continue annexing Croatia, Montenegro, and Albania, the Allied powers needed to be supported.

Especially given Italy's interest in Albania, Serbia needs the combined support of France and Spain to have any hope of annexing Albania under strong Italian pressure.

In an effort to curry favor with the Spanish and French governments, the Serbian army went to great lengths. The Serbian government left only a small contingent of troops to take over Bosnia and Slavonia, while the majority of the army continued north to fight alongside Spanish and French forces against Germany.

The Romanian and Serbian governments are quite aligned in their efforts to curry favor with the Spanish and French governments. Like Serbia, Romania is not content with its impending acquisition of Transylvania. Romania has its sights set on Bukovina in northern Transylvania and hopes to gain the support of the three Allied powers to control this region.

Although Bukovina is much smaller than Transylvania, its geographical location between Galicia and Transylvania makes it very important.

If Galicia ultimately falls to Russia, then Bukovina, which Romania acquires, can serve as a bridgehead against Russia, ensuring that Romanian territory will not be attacked by Russian troops.

If Galicia were annexed by another country, the Romanian government could use Bukovina as a springboard to continue its northward expansion, thus gaining more avenues for expansion.

The reason why the Balkans are so eager to acquire Bukovina is actually because there are many countries in the region, and most of them are powerful.

Romania's ability to expand its territory this time was also due to taking advantage of the World War. Transylvania belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and without the World War, Romania would never have been able to seize this land from Austria-Hungary.

Aside from Transylvania, Romania's expansion is limited to the north and south. To the north lies the behemoth Russia, and to the south, the relatively powerful Bulgaria—neither should be trifled with.

After suffering defeats in the Second Balkan War and World War II, Bulgaria has lost a great deal of territory, and its people are quite dissatisfied with the current situation in Bulgaria.

If Romania continues to provoke an invasion, even if it manages to defeat Bulgaria, it is destined to suffer heavy losses.

Unless there is no other choice, the Romanian government is unlikely to set its sights on Bulgaria. Under such circumstances, Bukovina becomes extremely important.

Fortunately, Bukovina is surrounded on three sides by Romania, Transylvania, and Galicia, and apart from Romania, no other country is currently interested in this land.

Russia's failure to participate in peace negotiations between Austria-Hungary and the Entente Powers was due to the protests, unrest, and subsequent civil war.

After the peace negotiations ended, none of the other Allied Powers had any intention of ceding Galicia to Russia.

The purpose of this prize was to lure Russia. If Russia wanted to acquire Galicia, it would have to play a role in the subsequent battles, at least by deploying millions of troops, in order to qualify for a share of the spoils.

The subsequent partition of Germany's territory further reinforced this. If Russia did not intend to continue participating in the world war, it was destined to gain nothing in future peace negotiations.

Even though Russia has paid a heavy price in the World Wars, no country will voluntarily offer to share a piece of the pie with it.

This is the stark reality, a true reflection of the cooperation and disputes between nations based solely on interests.

Under the leadership of Serbia and Romania, two major Balkan powers, the allied forces of the Balkan countries displayed formidable fighting power.

Even with meticulous preparations, the German army was unable to break through the Balkan forces' defenses. With the assistance of smaller Spanish and French troops, the Allied forces made the Austro-Hungarian border virtually impregnable.

Germany suffered tens of thousands of casualties in its offensive but gained nothing. This situation not only greatly troubled Wilhelm II and Chief of the General Staff Falkingham, but also allowed Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria-Hungary to witness firsthand the power of the Entente Powers.

The old emperor's initial stance of abandoning the war and negotiating with the Entente powers did cause some discontent within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

After all, the Austro-Hungarian Empire paid a heavy price for this peace talks, losing hundreds of thousands of square kilometers of territory. After that, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was destined to never recover, and it would be extremely difficult for it to become a great power again, let alone compete with other great powers for hegemony.

After witnessing the battle between the Allied and German armies firsthand, the high-ranking military officials of the Austro-Hungarian Empire couldn't help but feel fortunate about Emperor Franz Joseph I's choice.

If the Austro-Hungarian Empire had still been engaged in combat at that time, its army would have been destined to suffer enormous casualties.

Even these casualties weren't the worst. Just look at the Allied firepower; if Austria-Hungary had continued its stubborn resistance, countless border cities would likely have been destroyed by Allied artillery.

Goods from France and Spain could be transported to the Balkans by sea in a steady stream, but British goods could not be transported directly to the ports of Austria-Hungary.

The Allied fleet imposed a tight blockade on the Mediterranean Sea, and even the British Royal Fleet was unable to break through the blockade to supply the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

This resulted in Austria-Hungary obtaining British supplies through German railways. This not only reduced efficiency but also significantly decreased the proportion of supplies Austria-Hungary could obtain.

Although Germany and Austria-Hungary were close allies, the German government found it difficult to resist the temptation of large amounts of goods transiting through its borders.

Many supplies that were originally intended for Austria-Hungary were forcibly intercepted by the German government, ostensibly to use these supplies to build an army to help Austria-Hungary.

Unfortunately, Austria-Hungary had no way to deal with this, since the front lines did indeed have to be defended by the German army, which was indeed the main force among the Central Powers in this world war.

The poor performance of the troops at the front was undoubtedly the worst news for German Chief of the General Staff Falkingham.

But what could be done at this point? The counter-offensive had already begun, and stopping it wouldn't be easy.

Moreover, launching an attack hastily and then halting it just as abruptly would only further damage the prestige of Wilhelm II and Falkingham.

For Falkenham, the current situation leaves him with no choice but to go down a dead-end path.

In any case, the German army is extremely powerful, and a strong offensive regardless of casualties might be effective.

With this in mind, Falkenhayn not only rejected the frontline troops' request to withdraw and rest, but also forcibly contacted the two army groups at the front, demanding that they intensify their offensive and break through the defenses in a short period of time at all costs.

It must be admitted that the German army's execution capabilities are still very strong.

Although it was clear that such an order was sending soldiers to their deaths, military orders were absolute, and the army group commander at the front had no choice but to obey.

The offensive did have some effect. No matter how powerful the Balkan army was, it was impossible to ignore attrition and keep the German army firmly outside the defensive line.

The German army did indeed break through the first line of defense, but the army group commander at the front could not bring himself to smile when he looked at the casualty figures reported by his subordinates.

In the first three days of the Balkan counter-offensive, the average daily casualties of the German army were less than 20,000. After Chief of the General Staff Falkinghan ordered a full-scale offensive, the daily casualties of the German army surged to around 40,000, and there was even a trend of further increases.

After only two days of intense fighting, the frontline troops had already lost three corps. The frontline commanders knew that such a direct assault was not a solution, and with no other choice, they reported the casualties to the German High Command, requesting that the order be revised to cancel the original plan of a direct assault and instead proceed cautiously.

The reason for reporting directly to the Supreme Command was that the Supreme Command not only included Falkenhayn's General Staff, but also Kaiser Wilhelm II and other high-ranking military officers.

After reporting the heavy casualties at the front to the Supreme Command, Chief of the General Staff Pharkinhan could not possibly conceal the news.

As for the conclusions reached by the Supreme Command, that's not something the commanders of the two army groups at the front should concern themselves with. However, given the enormous casualties at the front, it's safe to assume that any high-ranking general in the Supreme Command, unless they're completely foolish, should understand that such a forceful offensive would only increase casualties and achieve absolutely no results.

To prevent the telegram from being intercepted by Chief of the General Staff Falkenhahn, the army group commander at the front also sent a telegram to Hindenburg, the German commander-in-chief on the Eastern Front, requesting that Hindenburg, at the military conference of the Supreme Command, cancel Falkenhahn's orders as much as possible.

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(End of this chapter)