Solovyov in Tsarist Russia 1796.

A military parade will also be held in Constantinople.

Thinking about this, Solovyov, the former battalion commander of the 1st Battalion of the Prussian Regiment and one of the youngest battalion commanders in the regiment's history, felt a little regretful that he had never been a regimental commander.

But raising your hands every time there's a parade makes them sore and it's such a hassle.

At his level, this is a problem that he often encounters.

Too many military parades are not good. Solovyov also has other things to do. There are also independent Balkan countries. If they decide on their own borders, the final detailed demarcation will have to come to Solovyov.

In particular, in Greece, acting president Kabotsdias and Solovyov were colleagues in Russia. In 1809, he was invited by Alexander to work in the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where he served as deputy foreign minister and even replaced Neserrodi for a period of time.

When Solovyov was in the south, he was in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; one could even say that a complete foreigner held the reins of Russian diplomacy.

However, he later chose to resign because he opposed the Holy Alliance and disagreed with Alexander's diplomatic views.

As a foreigner, it was already quite an achievement to become the head of the Russian government. What was even more remarkable was that when the Greek War of Independence reached its most intense stage, he first returned to his home island of Corfu, where he organized government institutions. He then worked hard to unify opinions from all sides to ensure that the various Greek rebel armies would obey orders, and also to obtain support through his influence in European countries.

Although he rarely met Solovyov, he was the strongest ally Solovyov could get, since Solovyov could influence the Tsar himself.

"I think I can't fully help you with what you're hoping for. It's not just the Greek people who have been given a new lease on life, but also Bulgaria and Serbia, both of which are Greece's neighbors. The Serbians need Kosovo, and I can help you get some territory in Epirus. Albania's rulers are the former semi-independent Pasha, and even in the future. You know, I can only create a suitable situation."

When Kabotsdias heard this, he knew there was a way. Solovyov had a better relationship with Serbia, but he had led his army into Athens, and his vanguard had even penetrated deep into the Peloponnese.

He tried his best to meet the needs of both Serbia and Greece.

Bulgaria even needed Russia to help them form a government. Although Solovyov had some contact with the locals in Sofia, time was limited, and he soon led his troops south.

"If it's a suitable situation."

"Don't try to get too much out of me. My term in Constantinople is limited. I may still be here this year, but the garrison commander here in the future will not necessarily be a general with diplomatic experience."

Solovyov had served as a military attaché abroad several times and had also temporarily served as the ambassador to Austria. He was experienced, and even Metternich disliked him. Talleyrand could see himself in him.

If he hadn't been in the military all his life, he probably could have become a diplomat, not just a temporary one.

He is also very familiar with this kind of situation.

Kabotsdias also knew that most Russian generals were not good at this. The late Marshal Kutuzov might be, but others were not, and they might be too forceful in their actions.

Solovyov was quite flexible. He had received representatives from various countries, and the initial spirit of the meeting was to divide the country according to waterways and mountains. The Danube River would be the boundary between Wallachia and Bulgaria, and the eastern border of Serbia would be the boundary. These were two divisions that did not present major problems.

However, in other areas, all parties still hope to gain benefits.

The issues between Serbia and Montenegro are relatively easy to resolve, but there are more disputes with Greece, Bulgaria, and northern Macedonia.

Solovyov hoped that Russia could act as an arbitrator in the Balkans in the future, and that these newly independent countries, except for Albania, would be either Orthodox Christian brothers, Slavic brothers, or Wallachia, and that no matter whether they were renamed Romania or Dacia, they would definitely have a German relative of the Tsar as their king, which would not be a big problem.

But they are all allies, and it's not easy to treat them all equally, since most of Thrace still needs to be given to Bulgaria so that they can establish an independent country.

The land they could obtain on the Greek side was mainly the areas where Greeks lived, except for Constantinople.

Kapodisdias wanted to resolve the border demarcation of the Macedonian region. Although the main areas of Thessaly and Macedonia were both included, and Greece could acquire some land in southern Thrace, Greece also had its sights set on northern Macedonia and central Thrace.

“I’m sorry, I don’t know how to divide these areas. There are still more Bulgarians in the area. If there are any problems, we can relocate some Greeks to the Greek side. There are many places there that have been destroyed by the Turks. If the wilderness is carefully cultivated, it can be used to make a living.”

Solovyov was being kind. He knew very well that His Majesty the Sultan and his army were like locusts once they got moving. These places were relatively prosperous regions in the eastern Mediterranean before the Middle Ages, but their current desolation was shocking.

"What else can I say? Someone suggested using latitude and longitude to divide the area, but you rejected that proposal."

"Because it's very inappropriate. This isn't a desert or wasteland. That would be irresponsible and would inevitably lead to disputes and wars in the future. If we divide the land according to geography, and each side controls the passes, there won't be any major chaos."

Greece's leaders are no longer making excessive demands for territory; their focus now shifts to the future political system of Greece.

He is now president, but given his past political experience, he has even taken on the role of prime minister of the Hellenic Republic.

Alexander's opinions on the Holy Alliance, and his opposition to the revolutionaries, ultimately led Kabotesdias to resign and cease serving in Russia.

Nikolai shared the same opinion, so although he could be an ally of Russia, it was always a variable. He was personally stable, but whether he could organize political forces was another matter.

"Next, we should consider the issue of the form of government. I personally agree with your opinion that democracy is a Greek tradition, and a republic would be more appropriate in any case. However, most of the friendly European countries, except for France, would probably not agree to a republic."

"But this is a Greek tradition; before the fall of Constantinople, there was always a Basilius. But that was..."

"Although I have no military academy experience or even a formal degree, I have read a lot of books."

Solovyov relied entirely on home tutoring and self-study; he didn't even have a high school diploma or attend university, yet he possessed a high level of education.

Kapodisdias knew that he was going to talk about the history of Greece and Rome, which was a prominent field of study in Europe.

What do you want to say?

"Basilius should also listen to his friend's opinion. Craterus is the king's friend, and that is beyond question."

"Yes, you really know a lot." "Even in Greece, the monarchy has a certain degree of democracy; it is indeed a tradition. If possible, I will write to the Emperor, but the final decision rests with the Greek people. You should also be careful about your own safety. I don't trust your subordinates; they are restless and seem to be up to something."

“You have met with some local leaders, and I can understand your thoughts.”

Kabotsdias knew that Solovyov had met many local Greek tyrants, whose families wielded considerable power. If European monarchies feared liberals and republicanism, they would try to intervene and turn Greece into a monarchy.

Unfortunately, apart from France and a neutral Switzerland, this is roughly the general understanding of the nature of their regimes.

Solovyov only expressed sympathy for the republic, because he knew that his and Luisa's daughter had the opportunity to come here and become queen.

However, given Greek custom, they would naturally prefer to have a Mr. Democracy instead.

Kapodisdias himself was aware of the obstacles involved. Greece itself relied on the combined strength of Britain, France, and Russia, and even his opponents were constantly vying for French support.

In other words, the French Dowager Empress was originally a Russian Grand Duchess. There are rumors that Catherine disliked the local bullies and preferred to negotiate with her brother's side.

If France doesn't interfere with the local powers in the Balkans, it would be a tangible positive development for Kabotsdias.

Solovyov disliked those people, who were repeatedly interfering in politics with local powerful figures. In fact, Kabotisdias's problem was mainly that he delayed the election and introduced the system of European countries.

In reality, the changes in mainland Greece stemmed from the fact that during the four hundred years of Ottoman rule, fertile ground for autocracy and violence was formed there. They seemed to have no idea what democracy was, and they were not even like the family-based structures found in Italy.

That's right. In places like Italy and Sicily, the Mafia also provides shelter to the locals.

However, in the Eastern Mediterranean, there is clearly less protection and more exploitation, with many people preying on the people.

Solovyov didn't know much. Historically, after Kabotsdias was assassinated, one of the two assassins was torn to pieces on the spot by the enraged Greek people, and the other was handed over by the French embassy and executed.

But for the Greeks, the democratic foundation of Kapodistias faced the challenge of confronting these hostile family powers.

The Greek people know that although Kapodisdias was a bit hasty, his intentions were good.

If it were someone else, it might not be like this.

The later transition of Greece to a monarchy did indeed bring problems.

Solovyov did have some selfish motives, but he also had to consider the stability of Greece after its independence and whether he could effectively govern it. He might have to make promises to them in the future, namely, if the Ottoman Empire did not behave itself, there would be a large number of Greeks living in the coastal areas of Asia Minor, and Greece would definitely have some demands on those areas.

This is a key location, and it's a huge market opportunity.

Russia shattered the European part of the Ottoman Empire, and its territories in Asia and Africa were also teetering on the brink of collapse.

Who knows what will happen in the future?
Kabodisdias left with quite a few constructive suggestions.

When Bulgarian representatives arrived, Solovyov indicated that North Macedonia might ultimately require bilateral negotiations, and it might even involve Serbia, which has claims to peripheral lands.

Solovyov's words and actions appeared fair and just, but in reality, they were beneficial to both Greece and Serbia.

Bulgaria needs to invite a European royal family to become its monarch.

Their independence was even aided by Russia. Solovyov crossed the border here twice, and even though they encountered unfavorable divisions, they probably couldn't say much.

After all, they really did put in the effort to drive the Turks away, and Bulgaria's future defense pressure will come from its neighbors. If Russia can get all the Balkan countries to become its little brothers, this matter will be easier to handle.

Nicholas hopes to make arrangements for members of the royal family.

On his way back to St. Petersburg, he wrote a letter to Solovyov, saying that he could consider the husbands of his nieces, except for the emperor of Brazil and the one from Spain, and even his sisters' second sons.

In that case, if Nicholas eats too much, he won't have any manners. After Wellington comes to power, once they realize what's happening, Britain will definitely take some measures.

Britain has always had this method: they can maintain a balance on the European continent and also stir up trouble in the Balkans.

And let’s not forget that Britain still has considerable influence over Greece. Solovyov doesn’t want his strategic plans in the Balkans to ultimately be reaped by the British.

Russia does not resolve diplomatic disputes entirely through violence; they also engage in "games," except that the chessboard with Britain is located on the vast Asian continent, encompassing both sides' enormous chessboards, except for the Qing Dynasty and Southeast Asia.

The next struggles will all turn to Asia, and the Balkans also need stability.

Therefore, Solovyov also requested that a professional diplomat come to Constantinople to share his diplomatic responsibilities.

He also had to manage local civil affairs and supervise the army; the temporary governorate certainly needed diplomats to assist with its work.

Solovyov's top spot went to Gorchakov, a graduate of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, who was Nikolai's classmate and follower and had previously performed well in his work in Vienna.

The arrival of such a diplomat can effectively help Solovyov organize this further multilateral talks.

The proposed solution still requires several bilateral negotiations to resolve specific issues.

This is much better than the British drawing a single line; at least the disputes are kept within a limited scope. (End of Chapter)